• 만화애니메이션 연구
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• 통권37호
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• pp.361-392
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• 2014

회화에 있어서 대상을 사실적으로 표현한 작품들은 19세기 중반 프랑스에서 G.쿠르베가 당시의 아카데미즘 화풍에 반항하면서 사실주의를 주창하였고 이에 동조하는 H.도미에나 F.밀레와 같은 화가들에 의해 사실주의풍의 작품들이 본격적으로 제작되었다. 이후 사실주의는 미술을 비롯해서 문학영역 전반에까지 확대되었고 예술작품과 문학작품에 지대한 영향을 주었다. 만화 또한 회화의 한 형식으로서 그 역사적 맥락을 같이하며 사실주의적인 만화가 당시의 화가나 만화가들에 의해 제작되어지기 시작하였다. 이러한 사실주의 만화(Realism Comics)는 사실에 기초해서 이야기를 다룬 만화로서 내용적으로는 당대의 사회적 현실을 객관적으로 묘사하고 재현시키는 것이 가장 중요한 목적중의 하나였지만 시각적 측면 즉, 대상의 표현 면에서는 반드시 사실적이라고 단정 지어 말할 수는 없었다. 그러던 중 1980년대 이후 미국과 유럽을 중심으로 만화와 소설의 중간 형식을 띈 그래픽 노블이 탄생하게 되었다. 그래픽 노블은 슈퍼 히어로물이 넘쳐나던 미국 만화시장에 문학성과 예술성이 강한 형식과 양식을 갖추고 나타났으며, 그 주요 특징으로는 내용적으로나 시각적으로나 매우 사실적으로 표현되어 있다는 점이다. 이는 마치 그 서사구조나 그림들이 그래픽으로 연출된 소설이나 문학작품을 보는 듯 복잡하고 섬세하며 예술적 작품성까지 지니고 있다. 그래픽 노블에서 보여 지는 사실적 표현의 특징들은 이전의 만화작품과 비교하여 볼 때 상당히 큰 차이점들을 발견할 수 있다. 시대의 유행을 따르기보다는 개성이 강한 작가주의적 그림 스타일의 특색을 보이며, 작품의 완성도가 상당히 높으면서도 독창적이고 실험적인 표현기법이나 방식들로 인해 회화나 일러스트와 같이 예술작품으로 인정받기 시작했다는 점에서 주목할 만하다. 최근 국내에서도 헐리우드 블록버스터 영화가 잇따라 개봉되어 흥행에 성공하면서부터 원작 그래픽 노블에 대한 관심과 수요가 증가되었다. 따라서 많은 원작 그래픽 노블이 번역되어 판매되기 시작하였고 이러한 세계적인 흐름과 유행에 발맞추어 한국의 일부 작가들이 그래픽 노블류의 작품들을 제작하기 시작하였다. 그러나 그래픽 노블을 표방하며 제작되어진 국내 작품들을 살펴보면 그 형식과 정통성 측면에서 여러 가지 견해가 있다. 이러한 시점에서 본 연구는 한국적 그래픽 노블의 대표적 작품이라고 할 수 있는 권가야의 <남한산성>에 초점을 맞추었으며, 특히, 대상의 사실적 표현이라는 시각적 측면에 중점을 두고 그 특징들과 유사성 등을 분석해보고자 한다. 본 연구를 통해 국내 그래픽 노블에 대한 정체성과 현주소를 되짚어보고 미국이나 유럽 그리고 일본의 그래픽 노블과는 차별화된 우리만의 독창적인 소재를 개발, 활용함으로써 한국적 그래픽 노블이 경쟁력을 갖춘 만화의 한 장르로 더욱 발전할 수 있도록 모색하는 계기가 되었으면 한다. 더 나아가 침체되어 있는 국내 만화시장에 새로운 활력소가 되기를 희망한다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.91-117
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• 2007

Through a simple study of the medical classics in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', we have summarized them as follows. 1) Traditional Indian medicine started in the Ganges river area at about 1500 B. C. E. and traces of medical science can be found in the "Rigveda" and "Atharvaveda". 2) The "Charaka" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞集)", ancient texts from India, are not the work of one person, but the result of the work and errors of different doctors and philosophers. Due to the lack of historical records, the time of Charaka or $Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞)s' lives are not exactly known. So the completion of the "Charaka" is estimated at 1st${\sim}$2nd century C. E. in northwestern India, and the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" is estimated to have been completed in 3rd${\sim}$4th century C. E. in central India. Also, the "Charaka" contains details on internal medicine, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" contains more details on surgery by comparison. 3) '$V\bar{a}gbhata$', one of the revered Vriddha Trayi(triad of the ancients, 三醫聖) of the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', lived and worked in about the 7th century and wrote the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ $A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ $h\d{r}daya$ $sa\d{m}hit\bar{a}$ $samhit\bar{a}$(八支集)" and "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$(八心集)", where he tried to compromise and unify the "Charaka" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". The "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$" was translated into Tibetan and Arabic at about the 8th${\sim}$9th century, and if we generalize the medicinal plants recorded in each the "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" and the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", there are 240, 370, 240 types each. 4) The 'Madhava' focused on one of the subjects of Indian medicine, '$Nid\bar{a}na$' ie meaning "the cause of diseases(病因論)", and in one of the copies found by Bower in 4th century C. E. we can see that it uses prescriptions from the "BuHaLaJi(布哈拉集)", "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". 5) According to the "Charaka", there were 8 branches of ancient medicine in India : treatment of the body(kayacikitsa), special surgery(salakya), removal of alien substances(salyapahartka), treatment of poison or mis-combined medicines(visagaravairodhikaprasamana), the study of ghosts(bhutavidya), pediatrics(kaumarabhrtya), perennial youth and long life(rasayana), and the strengthening of the essence of the body(vajikarana). 6) The '$\bar{A}yurveda$', which originated from ancient experience, was recorded in Sanskrit, which was a theorization of knowledge, and also was written in verses to make memorizing easy, and made medicine the exclusive possession of the Brahmin. The first annotations were 1060 for the "Charaka", 1200 for the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$", 1150 for the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and 1100 for the "$Nid\bar{a}na$", The use of various mineral medicines in the "Charaka" or the use of mercury as internal medicine in the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and the palpation of the pulse for diagnosing in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' and 'XiZhang(西藏)' medicine are similar to TCM's pulse diagnostics. The coexistence with Arabian 'Unani' medicine, compromise with western medicine and the reactionism trend restored the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' today. 7) The "Charaka" is a book inclined to internal medicine that investigates the origin of human disease which used the dualism of the 'Samkhya', the natural philosophy of the 'Vaisesika' and the logic of the 'Nyaya' in medical theories, and its structure has 16 syllables per line, 2 lines per poem and is recorded in poetry and prose. Also, the "Charaka" can be summarized into the introduction, cause, judgement, body, sensory organs, treatment, pharmaceuticals, and end, and can be seen as a work that strongly reflects the moral code of Brahmin and Aryans. 8) In extracting bloody pus, the "Charaka" introduces a 'sharp tool' bloodletting treatment, while the "$Su\scute{s}hruta$" introduces many surgical methods such as the use of gourd dippers, horns, sucking the blood with leeches. Also the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" has 19 chapters specializing in ophthalmology, and shows 76 types of eye diseases and their treatments. 9) Since anatomy did not develop in Indian medicine, the inner structure of the human body was not well known. The only exception is 'GuXiangXue(骨相學)' which developed from 'Atharvaveda' times and the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$". In the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$"'s 'ShenTiLun(身體論)' there is a thorough listing of the development of a child from pregnancy to birth. The '$\bar{A}yurveda$' is not just an ancient traditional medical system but is being called alternative medicine in the west because of its ability to supplement western medicine and, as its effects are being proved scientifically it is gaining attention worldwide. We would like to say that what we have researched is just a small fragment and a limited view, and would like to correct and supplement any insufficient parts through more research of new records.

• 호스피스학술지
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.5-14
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• 2007

인간은 신체적, 사회.심리적, 영적으로 통합적인 존재로써 각 차원의 건강은 분리되어 있는 것이 아니라 유기적으로 상호관련성을 가지고 있다. 영적 안녕은 신체적, 정신적, 사회.심리적 건강에 영향을 미치는 것으로 밝혀지고 있으며, 이는 인간의 영적 본성을 최대한으로 개발시키는 능력이며 총체적으로 인간에게 영향을 미치는 삶의 원리와 동등한 것이라 할 수 있다. 영적안녕은 삶의 의미와 목적에 초점을 둔 실존적인 영적 안녕 상태와 하나님과의 관계 안에서 안녕감을 갖는 종교적인 영적 안녕을 포함한다. 간호과학은 인간의 건강을 돕는 돌봄이 학문이며, 전인적 존재인 인간을 신체적, 사회?심리적, 그리고 영적, 즉 전인적으로 간호하는 것을 목표로 하고 있다. 따라서 전인간호를 제공하기 위해서는 우선 간호사 자신이 영적으로 안녕해야 함은 물론, 자신이 간호대상자에게 치료의 도구가 되어야 하고, 이를 통해 영적 간호를 수행할 수 있어야 한다. 간호대학생은 비록 학생이기는 하지만 재학 중 이미 다양한 간호실무 현장으로 나아가 임상실습을 통해 대상자들을 직접 만나게 되므로 간호사들과 마찬가지로 전인적으로 건강해야 하며, 이를 통해 간호대상자들의 건강도 전인적으로 돌볼 수 있게 된다. 이에 본 연구는 간호학생들의 영적 안녕 정도를 파악해보고 이와 관련있는 제 특성들을 규명함으로써 간호학생들을 위한 영성 교육 프로그램 개발과 학교생활지도의 기초자료를 제공하기 위해 시도된 서술적 조사 연구이다. 본 연구의 대상자는 B 광역시에 소재한 1개 기독교 종합대학교 간호대학에 재학중인 학생 240명을 대상으로 하였다. 이중 213명이 응답하였으며 본 연구목적에 부적절한 응답을 제외한 188명을 최종 분석 대상으로 하였다(최종 분석율 : 88.3%). 본 연구에 사용된 도구는 자기 기입형인 구조화된 설문지로서, 20개 문항으로 구성된 영적 안녕 측정도구와 제 특성 20개 문항 등 총 40개 문항으로 구성되어 있다. 영적 안녕 측정도구는 Paloutzian와 Ellison(1983)이 개발하고, 최상순(1990)이 번역하였으며, 강정호(1996)가 수정 보완한 도구를 사용하였고, '거의 그렇지 않다' 1점, '대체로 그렇지 않다' 2점, '대체로 그렇다' 3점, '매우 그렇다' 4점으로 구성된 Likert형 4점 척도이며, 부정적인 문항은 역산하였고, 점수가 높을수록 영적으로 안녕감이 높은 것을 의미한다. 본 연구에서 도구의 신뢰도는 Cronbach's ?값이 .94로 나타났다. 대상자의 제 특성은 인구사회학적 특성, 종교관련 특성, 학교관련 특성 등을 조사하였다. 본 연구의 자료수집 기간은 2006년 3월 3일부터 동년 3월 17일까지였으며, 자료수집 방법은 본 연구자가 각 학년 강의실에 들어가 연구목적을 설명하고 동의를 한 대상자에 한에서 설문지를 배부하여 응답하게 한 후 각 학년 대표를 통해 회수하였다. 본 자료의 분석은 SPSS/PC+ 12.0프로그램을 이용하여 실수와 백분율, 평균, 표준편차, 최소값, 최대값, t-test, ANOVA, Scheffe's test로 분석하였다. 본 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 1. 대상자의 영적 안녕 정도는 평균 $63.95\pm10.256$ (도구범위 : 20-80점), 최소 38점, 최대 80점, 평균평점 $3.20\pm.513$으로 높은 편으로 나타났다. 이를 하위영역으로 분석해 보았을 때 실존적 안녕 정도는 평균 $32.98\pm4.470$, 최소 22점, 최대 40점, 평균평점 $3.30\pm.450$으로 높은 편이었고, 종교적 안녕 정도는 평균 $30.96\pm7.000$, 최소 10점, 최대 40점, 평균평점 $3.10\pm.700$으로 약간 높은 편이었다. 2. 대상자의 제 특성에 따른 영적 안녕 정도는 학년(F=6.101, p= .001), 종교(F= 17.703, p= .000), 기독교인의 경우 신급(F=8.194, p= .000), 교회출석기간(F=7.947, p= .000), 교회 예배의 정기출석(F=4.242, p= .000), 정기적 성경읽기(공부)와 기도생활(F=5.863, p= .001=0), 본인이 지각한 예수님과의 인격적 만남(F=4.160, p= .000), 부모종교(F=9.320, p= .000), 본인이 지각한 부모양육태도(F=4.146, p= .000), 현재 타 학과 편입, 전과 희망여부(F=-2.050, p= .050) 등에 따라 영적 안녕 정도가 통계적으로 유의한 차이가 있었다. 이상의 결과를 요약하면 간호대학생들은 비교적 높은 영적 안녕감을 보였으며, 제 특성 중 학년, 종교, 기독교인의 경우 신급, 교회 출석기간, 교회 예배의 정기출석여부, 정기적 성경읽기(공부)와 기도생활 여부, 본인이 지각한 예수님과의 인격적 만남 여부, 부모 종교, 본인이 지각한 부모의 양육태도, 현재 타 학과 편입이나 전과 희망여부 등에 따라 영적 안녕 정도가 통계적으로 유의한 차이가 있었다. 따라서 본 연구 결과를 간호대학생들을 위한 영성 교육 프로그램 개발과 학교생활지도의 기초 자료로 활용할 수 있을 것으로 생각된다.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.119-145
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• 2008

Through a simple study of the medical classics in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', we have summarized them as follows. 1) Traditional Indian medicine started in the Ganges river area at about 1500 B. C. E. and traces of medical science can be found in the "Rigveda" and "Atharvaveda". 2) The "Charaka(閣羅迦集)" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞集)", ancient texts from India, are not the work of one person, but the result of the work and errors of different doctors and philosophers. Due to the lack of historical records, the time of Charaka(閣羅迦) or $Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞)s' lives are not exactly known. So the completion of the "Charaka" is estimated at 1st$\sim$2nd century C. E. in northwestern India, and the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" is estimated to have been completed in 3rd$\sim$4th century C. E. in central India. Also, the "Charaka" contains details on internal medicine, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" contains more details on surgery by comparison. 3) '$V\bar{a}gbhata$', one of the revered Vriddha Trayi(triad of the ancients, 三醫聖) of the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', lived and worked in about the 7th century and wrote the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ $Ast\bar{a}nga$ hrdaya $samhit\bar{a}$ $samhit\bar{a}$(八支集) and "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$(八心集)", where he tried to compromise and unify the "Charaka" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". The "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$" was translated into Tibetan and Arabic at about the 8th$\sim$9th century, and if we generalize the medicinal plants recorded in each the "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" and the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", there are 240, 370, 240 types each. 4) The 'Madhava' focused on one of the subjects of Indian medicine, '$Nid\bar{a}na$' ie meaning "the cause of diseases(病因論)", and in one of the copies found by Bower in 4th century C. E. we can see that it uses prescriptions from the "BuHaLaJi(布唅拉集)", "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". 5) According to the "Charaka", there were 8 branches of ancient medicine in India : treatment of the body(kayacikitsa), special surgery(salakya), removal of alien substances(salyapahartka), treatment of poison or mis-combined medicines(visagaravairodhikaprasamana), the study of ghosts(bhutavidya), pediatrics(kaumarabhrtya), perennial youth and long life(rasayana), and the strengthening of the essence of the body(vajikarana). 6) The '$\bar{A}yurveda$', which originated from ancient experience, was recorded in Sanskrit, which was a theorization of knowledge, and also was written in verses to make memorizing easy, and made medicine the exclusive possession of the Brahmin. The first annotations were 1060 for the "Charaka", 1200 for the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$", 1150 for the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and 1100 for the "$Nid\bar{a}na$". The use of various mineral medicines in the "Charaka" or the use of mercury as internal medicine in the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and the palpation of the pulse for diagnosing in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' and 'XiZhang(西藏)' medicine are similar to TCM's pulse diagnostics. The coexistence with Arabian 'Unani' medicine, compromise with western medicine and the reactionism trend restored the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' today. 7) The "Charaka" is a book inclined to internal medicine that investigates the origin of human disease which used the dualism of the 'Samkhya', the natural philosophy of the 'Vaisesika' and the logic of the 'Nyaya' in medical theories, and its structure has 16 syllables per line, 2 lines per poem and is recorded in poetry and prose. Also, the "Charaka" can be summarized into the introduction, cause, judgement, body, sensory organs, treatment, pharmaceuticals, and end, and can be seen as a work that strongly reflects the moral code of Brahmin and Aryans. 8) In extracting bloody pus, the "Charaka" introduces a 'sharp tool' bloodletting treatment, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" introduces many surgical methods such as the use of gourd dippers, horns, sucking the blood with leeches. Also the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" has 19 chapters specializing in ophthalmology, and shows 76 types of eye diseases and their treatments. 9) Since anatomy did not develop in Indian medicine, the inner structure of the human body was not well known. The only exception is 'GuXiangXue(骨相學)' which developed from 'Atharvaveda' times and the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$". In the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$"'s 'ShenTiLun(身體論)' there is a thorough listing of the development of a child from pregnancy to birth. The '$\bar{A}yurveda$' is not just an ancient traditional medical system but is being called alternative medicine in the west because of its ability to supplement western medicine and, as its effects are being proved scientifically it is gaining attention worldwide. We would like to say that what we have researched is just a small fragment and a limited view, and would like to correct and supplement any insufficient parts through more research of new records.

• 한국문헌정보학회지
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• 제17권
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• pp.11-47
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• 1989

This study intends to examine the background and the procedure of the carving of the tablets of the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock­Lock(재조대장목록). the time and the route of the moving of the tablets. into Haein-sa, and the contents and the system of it. This study is mainly based on the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock. But the other closely related materials such as restored first. edition of the Dae- Jang-Mock-Lock, Koryo Sin-Jo-Dae-Jang-Byeol-Lock (고려신조대장교정별록). Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock (개원석교록). Sok-Kae­Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock (속개원석교록). Jeong-Won-Sin-Jeong-Seok-Kyo­Lock(정원신정석교록), Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock(속정원석교록), Dea-Jung-Sang-Bu-Beob-Bo-Lock(대중상부법보록), and Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock(경우신수법보록), are also analysed and closely examined. The results of this study can be summarized as follows: 1. The second edition of Tripitaka Koreana(고려대장경) was carved for the purpose of defending the country from Mongolia with the power of Buddhism, after the tablets of the first edition in Buin-sa(부이사) was destroyed by fire. 2. In 1236. Dae-Jang-Do-Gam(대장도감) was established, and the preparation for the recarving of the tablets such as comparison between the content, of the first edition of Tripitalk Koreana, Gal-Bo-Chik-Pan-Dae­Jang-Kyeong and Kitan Dae- Jang-Kyeong, transcription of the original copy and the preparation of the wood, etc. was started. 3. In 1237 after the announcement of Dae-Jang-Gyeong-Gak-Pan-Gun­Sin-Gi-Go-Mun(대장경핵판군신석고문), the carving was started on a full scale. And seven years later (1243), Bun-Sa-Dae-Jang-Do-Gam(분사대장도감) was established in the area of the South to expand and hasten the work. And a large number of the tablets were carved in there. 4. It took 16 years to carve the main text and the supplements of the second edition of Tripitaka Koreana, the main text being carved from 1237 to 1248 and the supplement from 1244 to 1251. 5. It can be supposed that the tablets of the second edition of Tripitaka Koreana, stored in Seon-Won-Sa(선원사), Kang-Wha(강화), for about 140 years, was moved to Ji-Cheon-Sa(지천사), Yong-San(용산), and to Hae-In-Sa(해인사) again, through the west and the south sea and Jang-Gyeong-Po(장경포), Go-Ryeong(고령), in the autumn of the same year. 6. The second edition of Tripitaka Koreana was carved mainly based on the first edition, comparing with Gae-Bo-Chik-Pan-Dae-Jang-Kyeong(개보판대장경) and Kitan Dae-Jang-Kyeong(계단대장경). And the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock also compiled mainly based on the first edition with the reference to Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock and Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock. 7. Comparing with the first edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock, in the second edition 7 items of 9 volumes of Kitan text such as Weol-Deung­Sam-Mae-Gyeong-Ron(월증삼매경론) are added and 3 items of 60 volumes such as Dae-Jong-Ji-Hyeon-Mun-Ron(대종지현문논) are substituted into others from Cheon chest(천함) to Kaeng chest(경함), and 92 items of 601 volumes such as Beob-Won-Ju-Rim-Jeon(법원주임전) are added after Kaeng chest. And 4 items of 50 volumes such as Yuk-Ja-Sin-Ju-Wang-Kyeong(육자신주왕경) are ommitted in the second edition. 8. Comparing with Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, Cheon chest to Young chest (영함) of the second edition is compiled according to Ib-Jang-Lock(입장록) of Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock. But 15 items of 43 vol­umes such as Bul-Seol-Ban-Ju-Sam-Mae-Kyeong(불설반주삼매경) are ;added and 7 items of 35 volumes such as Dae-Bang-Deung-Dae-Jib-Il­Jang-Kyeong(대방등대집일장경) are ommitted. 9. Comparing with Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, 3 items of the 47 volumes (or 49 volumes) are ommitted and 4 items of 96 volumes are ;added in Caek chest(책함) to Mil chest(밀함) of the second edition. But the items are arranged in the same order. 10. Comparing with Dae- Jung-Sang-Bo-Beob-Bo-Lock, the arrangement of the second edition is entirely different from it. But 170 items of 329 volumes are also included in Doo chest(두함) to Kyeong chest(경함) of the second edition, and 53 items of 125 volumes in Jun chest(존함) to Jeong chest(정함). And 10 items of 108 volumes in the last part of Dae-Jung-Sang-Bo-Beob-Bo-Lock are ommitted and 3 items of 131 volumes such as Beob-Won-Ju-Rim-Jeon(법원주임전) are added in the second edition. 11. Comparing with Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock, all of the items (21 items of 161 volumes) are included in the second edition without ;any classificatory system. And 22 items of 172 volumes in the Seong­Hyeon-Jib-Jeon(성현집전) part such as Myo-Gak-Bi-Cheon(묘각비전) are ommitted. 12. The last part of the second edition, Joo chest(주함) to Dong chest (동함), includes 14 items of 237 volumes. But these items cannot be found in any other former Buddhist catalog. So it might be supposed as the Kitan texts. 13. Besides including almost all items in Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock and all items in Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, Dae-Jung-Sang-Bo­Beob-Bo-Lock, and Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock, the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock includes more items, at least 20 items of about 300 volumes of Kitan Tripitaka and 15 items of 43 volumes of traditional Korean Tripitake that cannot be found any others. Therefore, Tripitaka Koreana can be said as a comprehensive Tripitaka covering all items of Tripitakas translated in Chinese character.

• 한국전통조경학회지
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• 제37권1호
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• pp.56-67
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• 2019

성경에 쓰인 에셀나무(Tamarix aphylla)의 올바른 명칭문제를 고찰하기 위해서 식물의 형태분류학적인 특성 분석, Tamarix속에 대한 상징성 고찰, 한국고전과 중국고전에서의 용례 분석, 그리고 한중일 성경에 나타난 에셀나무 번역상에 나타난 문제점에 대한 고찰 결과는 다음과 같다. 식물분류학적으로 Tamarix속 유사종의 구별은 잎과 꽃의 형태로 구분하지만, 그 크기가 2-4mm 정도로 매우 작기 때문에 육안으로 구분하기 어렵다. 그러나 이스라엘 광야에 분포하는 T. aphylla와 중국과 한국의 T. chinensis는 가지가 처지는 모양이나 개화기간에서 확연한 차이점을 나타내고 있다. Tamarix속은 고대 메소포타미아와 한(漢)나라에서는 궁궐 안뜰에 심을 정도로 귀한 나무였고, 고대 이집트에서는 죽은 사람에게 생명을 주는 나무로 여겼다. 또한 성경에서는 아브라함이 하느님께서 함께하심을 드러내는 계약의 표지로, 예언자 사무엘을 상징하기도 하고 사무엘의 법정을 상징하였다. 한국고전 용례를 통해서 볼 때 Tamarix속은 이미 조선시대에 일반화된 용어로 쓰였는데 '정류(檉柳)'는 의학적인 용어로 많이 쓰인 반면에, '위성류(渭城柳)'는 문학적 용어로 쓰였다. 중국의 본초서 가운데 정류(檉柳)와 관련된 문헌들의 연대와 명칭을 고증한 결과에 의하면 모두 16개 용어가 쓰였는데, 이 용어들 가운데 중국 성경에 쓰였던 '수사류(垂絲柳)'라는 단어는 없었다. 또한 당나라 왕유(王維 699-759)의 시 때문에 생겨난 '위성류(渭城柳)'라는 단어도 없었고, 오히려 주나라와 관계있는 '하류(河柳)'라는 용어가 많이 쓰이고 있다. 그런데 현재 사용하고 있는 중국의 학술용어를 조사해 보면 '수사류(垂絲柳)'와 '정류(檉柳)'가 대등하게 나타나기 때문에, 중국성경에서 에셀에 관한 번역은 '수사류(垂絲柳)'로 하던지 '정류(檉柳)'로 하던지 문제가 없어 보인다. 일본성경은 명치역 "구신약전서(舊新約全書)(1887)"에서 'やなぎ(버드나무)'로 번역하는 오류가 있었는데, "구어역(口語譯) 성서(聖書)(1955)"부터 'ぎょりゅう(정류(檉柳))'로 번역하고 있다. 그러나 일본에서 'ぎょりゅう(정류(檉柳))'는 야생종이 아니라 에도시대 도입종이라는 주장이 있기 때문에 용어 설정을 재검토할 필요성이 있다. 한국고전 용례분석에서 나타난 것과 같이, 한국의 T. chinensis는 약용 및 관상용으로 일찍부터 한반도에서 생육하였을 가능성이 매우 높다. 그러므로 한국 성경에서 의약학 용어인 '정류(檉柳)' 사용하거나 혹은 문학적인 용어인 '위성류'를 사용하더라도 큰 문제는 없을 수도 있다. 그러나 '위성류'라는 용어는 중국에서 조차 사용빈도가 극히 낮은 용어이고, 조선시대 문학하던 분들의 모화사상과 연결될 수 있는 부분이므로 이 용어 사용에 신중한 검토가 필요하다. 그러므로 성경에서는 논란이 있는 용어를 사용하기 보다는 히브리어로 음역하여 '에셀나무'라고 하는 것이 타당하다.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제53권4호
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• pp.2-31
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• 2020

첨성대의 본질에 관한 현재의 가장 보편적인 가설은 천문관측대설이다. 천문관측대설의 근거는 주장하는 학자들마다 약간씩 차이가 있지만, 가장 중요한 근거는 '첨성대'라는 이름이며, 이에 대한 타당한 비판은 지금까지 제기된 바가 없다. 본 연구는 '첨성대'에 내포된 의미를 밝히고, '첨성대'가 천문관측대설의 타당한 근거인지를 살펴보았다. 천문관련설은 '첨성대'를 주로 '첨+성+대'로 해석했다. '볼 첨(瞻)'자와 '별 성(星)'자와 '대 대(臺)'자의 조합인 '첨성대'는 '천문을 관측한 대'를 뜻한다고 주장해 왔다. 한편 종교관련설의 경우, '별 성'은 '하늘 천(天)'을 의미하며, 첨성대에서 바라 본 '하늘'은 불교의 천상세계인 도리천이었다고 주장해 왔다. 본 연구는 『삼국유사』(1289±) 이전의 중국 기록에서 '첨성'의 용례들을 살펴보았다. '첨성'에 내포된 의미는 매우 다양하게 드러났다. '첨성+대'는 서술의 맥락에 따라서 '천문을 관측한 대'를 뜻할 수도 있고, '도리천을 우러러 본 대'를 뜻할 수도 있었다. 또한 '첨성'이 힌두교, 유교, 불교, 천주교, 도교와 같은 다양한 종교적 배경으로 실행되었음을 알 수가 있었고, 불교의 '첨성'의 경우는 적어도 외도(外道)의 '첨성', 법도(法道)의 '첨성', 세속(世俗)의 '첨성'으로 나눠질 수가 있음을 알게 되었다. 서술의 맥락에 따라서 '첨성+대'에 내포된 의미는 상당히 달라질 수가 있는 것이다. 『삼국유사』에 서술된 첨성대의 본질은 선덕여왕의 도리천 장례를 위한 묘탑(廟塔)으로 드러났다. 선덕여왕의 도리천 장례와 문무왕대의 사천왕사 건립은 신종원(1996)의 견해대로 밀교 승려 안함(안홍)에 의해 예언되었고, 『삼국유사』가 인용한 『별기』는 안함(안홍)의 참서(예언서)로 드러났다. 선덕여왕릉과 첨성대의 배치가 동지일출선에 정확하게 맞춰져 있음은 첨성대가 선덕여왕 유혼의 도리천 상생 통로였기 때문으로 판단되었다. 첨성대는 도리천으로 통하는 삼도보계(三道寶階)와 같은 '천국의 계단'를 가진 불탑이었고, '첨성대'는 『삼국유사』 왕력편의 '점성대'와 마찬가지로 '도리천을 우러러 본 대'라는 의미로 파악되었다. '첨성대'라는 이름은 천문관측대설의 근거가 될 수 없으며, 오히려 천문관련설을 총체적으로 부정할 수 있는 하나의 중요한 근거로 새롭게 평가되어야 마땅할 것이다.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제62호
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• pp.145-176
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• 2016

본고는 개인의 덕성(德性)과 사회적 덕행(德行)의 보편적 가치와 규범이 제시되어 있는 유가(儒家) 경전(經典)을 토대로 군자(君子)다운 지도자상은 어떠한 것인가를 파악하는 작업이다. 따라서 인간다움을 참다운 것으로 삼고, 인간관계의 사회성을 제대로 실천하는 유덕자(有德者)의 가치관에 대하여 논의하고 있다. 군자상의 진면목은 조화의 균형 감각이 있고 자기 수양에 엄격하며 인간관계의 상생적 가치를 창출하는 등 진선미가 삼위일체로 융합되는 '성기성물(成己成物)'의 참된 인물상(人物像)이라는 점을 찾아보고자 한다. 유가(儒家)에서 말하는 성인(聖人), 현인(賢人), 대인(大人), 군자(君子) 등은 인간세상을 이끌어가는 사회지도자를 의미한다. 그들은 무엇보다도 인간다운 도리를 지키며 사회풍토를 아름답게 교화하고 정신과 물질(物質)의 조화(調和) 인격(人格)과 능력(能力) 경제(經濟)와 도덕(道德)을 겸비한 인물로 지목(指目)하고 있다. 현대 사회인들은 순수한 지성(知性)문화의 가치보다는 물질적 가치의 선호도(選好度)에 따라 개인적인 성장(成長)을 꾀하고, 시각적으로 보여 지는 외형적인 무한경쟁(無限競爭)에 편중되어 있다. 오늘날 디지털 시대에 자신의 개성을 연출하는 것은 부정할 수는 없지만, 외모(外貌)에 집착(執着)하여 지나친 다이어트로 건강미를 상실하고, 그로 인(因)한 정신적 스트레스는 외모 집착과 외모중시의 병적인 폐단을 불러일으키고 있다. 이러한 현상을 극복(克復)하기 위해 절실하게 요청되는 대안으로 내적 소양과 외적 전문성을 고루 겸비한 온전한 인격체, 즉 이른바 "문질(文質)이 빈빈(彬彬)"한 진선미(眞善美)의 융합적 지도자상이 필요하다고 하겠다. 유교사상은 수기치인(修己治人)의 도(道)를 현실에서 실천하는 것이다. 수기는 개인적으로는 덕성적 능력을 계발하여 도덕적 인격을 함양하는 것이며, 치인은 사회적으로는 함께 일하는 올바른 인간관계를 갖도록 소통(疏通)하는 것이다. 이 때문에 leader 또는 지도자는 자신뿐만 아니라 타인까지도 감화시킬 수 있어야 한다. 수기치인은 '스스로의 덕성을 가다듬어 다른 사람들을 이끈다.'는 의미이다. 참다운 지도자는 수기(修己)를 통해 자기성찰과 자기정립을 한 다음에 치인(治人) 또는 남들과 함께 살아가는 안인(安人)의 경지에 서게 되는 것이다. 모든 물건에는 값어치가 있고 나름대로의 德이 있듯이. 인간 역시 인격과 덕성(德性)을 갖추고자, 배우고 익혀 자신만의 전문성 신뢰성 그리고 인격과 능력을 겸비하여, 자신만의 브랜드(Brand)가치를 창출해 내고자 한다. 개인의 인격(人格)은 높은 지위나 재력 권력에서 나오는 것이 아니다. 인격이란 개인의 덕성으로서 자기수양을 통하여 마음에 조금도 티가 없는 상쾌함으로, 굳이 한자로 표현하자면 맑고 깨끗한 '소쇄(瀟灑)'에 부합된다고 할 수 있다. 즉 인간이 天性으로 품부 받은 덕성인 지(知) 인(仁) 용(勇)을 겸비한 지극히 인간다움의 인격(人格)을 지닌 지도자상으로 군자상(君子像)을 제시한다. 자아개발은 self leader, 즉 수기(修己)를 통하여 덕성수양과 자아경영의 힘을 기르게 된다. 관계영역의 leader(治人)는 자신(自身)의 덕성(德性)을 덕행(德行)으로 미루어 가는 즉 남의 입장에서 생각하는 역지사지(易地思之)의 마음으로 확대(擴大) 시킬 수 있다. 이처럼 자신의 마음을 미루어 남을 생각하는 리더십을 "대학(大學)"에서는 "혈구지도(?矩之道)"라고 한다. 논자의 견해는, 인격미(人格美)는 지(知) 인(仁) 용(勇)'으로 덕성(德性)의 씨앗을 일구고 상생미(相生美)는 '서(恕)'로써 타인(他人)에게 행동으로 보여주는 덕행의 마땅한 올바름을 구현하며 조화미(調和美)는 '혈구지도(?矩之道)'로써 남을 나처럼 아끼고 사랑하여 나와 같은 마음 즉 보편적 원리인 덕화(德和)를 구현할 수 있다고 여긴다. 이처럼, 지도자상의 자질은 자신의 소양과 남을 배려하는 마음이 총체적으로 잘 조화를 이룰 때 지도자가 지니고 있는 능력을 무한히 발휘하며, 많은 사람들과 공생(共生) 공존(共存)하며 서로 승승적(乘勝的)관계로 거듭 성장해 나갈 수 있는 것이다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.