• Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.79-95
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• 2021

This study aims to develop a restoration model of an armillary sphere of Tongcheon-ui (Pan-celestial Armillary Sphere) by referring to the records of Damheonseo (Hong Dae-Yong Anthology) and the artifact of an armillary sphere in the Korean Christian Museum of Soongsil University. Between 1760 and 1762, Hong, Dae-Yong (1731-1783) built Tongcheon-ui, with Na, Kyung-Jeok (1690-1762) designing the basic structure and Ann, Cheo-In (1710-1787) completing the assembly. The model in this study is a spherical body with a diameter of 510 mm. Tongcheon-ui operates the armillary sphere by transmitting the rotational power from the lantern clock. The armillary sphere is constructed in the fashion of a two-layer sphere: the outer one is Yukhab-ui that is fixed; and the inner one, Samsin-ui, is rotated around the polar axis. In the equatorial ring possessed by Samsin-ui, an ecliptic ring and a lunar-path ring are successively fixed and are tilted by 23.5° and 28.5° over the equatorial ring, respectively. A solar miniature attached to a 365-toothed inner gear on the ecliptic ring reproduces the annual motion of the Sun. A lunar miniature installed on a 114-toothed inner gear of the lunar-path ring can also replay the moon's orbital motion and phase change. By the set of 'a ratchet gear, a shaft and a spur gear' installed in the solstice-colure double-ring, the inner gears in the ecliptic ring and lunar-path ring can be rotated in the opposite direction to the rotation of Samsin-ui and then the solar and lunar miniatures can simulate their revolution over the period of a year and a month, respectively. In order to indicate the change of the moon phases, 27 pins were arranged in a uniform circle around the lunar-path ring, and the 29-toothed wheel is fixed under the solar miniature. At the center of the armillary sphere, an earth plate representing a world map is fixed horizontally. Tongcheon-ui is the armillary sphere clock developed by Confucian scholars in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the technical level at which astronomical clocks could be produced at the time is of a high standard.

• Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.1-16
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• 2014

Sambok (三伏, Three Hottest Days) is the common designation of Chobok (初伏, Early Hot Day), Jungbok (中伏, Middle Hot Day), and Malbok (末伏, Late Hot Day), and widely known to be one of the Korean folk customs. Hence, Sambok is notated in Manseryeok (Ten Thousand-Year Almanac) and in the annual astronomical almanac published by Korea Astronomy and Space Science Institute. In this paper, we investigate the changes of Sambok in Korea based on various documents such as Joseonwangjosilok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Jeungbo-Jakryeoksik (增補作曆式, The Supplement of Manual for Calendar Making), astronomical almanacs, and so forth. According to Jeungbo-Jakryeoksik preserved in Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies, Chobok and Jungbok are defined as the third and fourth Gyeongil (庚日, The Day Starting with the Seventh Heavenly Stems in Sexagenary Cycles Assigned to Each Day) after the summer solstice, respectively, and Malbok is the first Gyeongil after Ipchu (Enthronement of Autumn). However, if the summer solstice is Gyeongil, then the third Gyeongil counting from the solstice becomes Chobok. Malbok depends on the time of Ipchu. Ipchu itself becomes Malbok if the time of Ipchu is in the morning, or next Gyeongil becomes Malbok if it is the afternoon. On the other hand, Malbok is defined as Ipchu itself regardless of its time according to Chiljeongbobeob (七政步法, Calculating Method for Sun, Moon, and Five Planets), Chubocheobryeo (推步捷例, Quick Examples for Calendrical Calculations), and so on. To verify the methods used to determine Sambok, we examined the record in the extant almanacs during the period of 1392 to 2100 for which the summer solstice or Ipchu is Gyeongil. As a result, we found a periodicity that if the time of Ipchu is in the morning, in general, the time is in the afternoon after two years and then is back into in the morning after nineteen years, i.e., the 2 + 19 years periodicity. However, we found the 2 + 17 years periodicity in some years. We also found that the Chobok method of Jeungbo-Jakryeoksik has been used since 1712, the thirty-eighth reign of King Sukjong (肅宗). In addition, we supposed that Malbok had been determined by the method like Chubocheobryeo since either 1846, the twelfth reign of King Heonjong (憲宗), or 1867, the fourth reign of King Gojong (高宗). At present, these methods of Sambok are customarily used without any legal basis. We, therefore, think that this study will help conventionalize the method defining Sambok in the future.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.24_2
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• pp.117-164
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• 2015

Religion is not fixed and permanent and is constantly transforming and changing phenomenon. But in some religions, religious culture happens that emphasize the original and authentic teaching of the founder and removes the other accumulations among the accumulated religious tradition. So some religious communities advocate the original teaching of the founder and insist that they are the orthodox and the others are heresy and make the theory of true transmission etc. Jongtonglon(宗統論) of Daesoonjinrihoe(大巡眞理會) looks similar to the theory of true transmission on the surface. The aim of this paper is the contribution to the understanding of Daesoon thought and the religious culture of Daesoonjinrihoe by studying the characteristics of Jongtonglon. I want to highlight on the characteristics of Jongtonglon by comparing it to Bubmaeklon(法脈論) of Korean Buddhism. Bubmaek(法脈) of Korean Buddhism is well showed in the constitution of Jogaejong(曺溪宗) that represents Korean Buddhism. The constitution says that Jogaejong considers SakyaMuni the main Buddha and Doyi (道義) the founder of Jogaejong and BojoJinul(普照知訥)·TaegoBou (太古普愚) the restorer of tradition and also says that Jogaejong succeedes Cheongheo(淸虛) and Buhyu(浮休). Between SakyaMuni and Doyi, there are several monks of Seocheon(西天)-28Choseol (祖說) and China-6Choseol(祖說). Jinul is highly praised for enhancing the atmosphere of performance of Jogaejong and Bou was regarded as the founder of Jogaejong since late Joseon dynasty. In modern times there were conflicts between Bojojongjoseol(普照宗祖說) and Taegojongjoseol(太古宗祖說), but today's Bubmaek(法脈) of Korean Buddhism was erected after the conflicts was controled. Jongtong of Daesoonjinrihoe was erected by Jo Jengsan(趙鼎山) Doju(道主) who was received Heaven's will through divine revelation. Dojeon(都典) succeeded Jongtong by Doju's will and he didn't say a word when he went to Heaven. So the succession of Jongtong is ended. The first characteristic of Jongtonglon of Daesoonjinrihoe is that the succession of Jongtong was decided by Heaven and has been expected from long ago. The second, Jongtonglon has the sacred characteristic which is not shown in Bubmaeklon. The third, the distinction between Yeonwun(淵源) and Yeonun(緣運) is not appeared in Bubmaeklon. The fourth, Jongtonglon has more anti-syncretic feature than Bubmaeklon. The fifth, Yeonun(緣運) and Bubmaeklon are different in that feature. As Jongtonglon occupies a prominent place in Daesoonjinrihoe, the understanding of it can contribute to grasp the doctrine and culture of Daesoonjinrihoe.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.26
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• pp.1-41
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• 2016

The script of the Fellowship of Daesoon Truth, 『Jeongyeong』 consists of seven sectors and 17 chapters. The seven sectors include 「Life of Sangje」, 「Reordering of the Universe」, 「Passing on of Teaching」, 「Law of Teaching」, 「Wisdom」, 「Cure of the Sick」, and 「Foreseeing」. The chapter 「Reordering of the Universe」 has the most records about Sangje, while the 「Law of Teaching」 has the most variety of materials in many passages about Sangje. This shows that the chapter 「Reordering of the Universe」 puts emphasis on the unique religious activities of Sangje and 「Law of Teaching」 is important for its edifying elements. "Law of teaching" is 敎法(Gyobeop) in Chinese character. 敎 means "teaching" and 法 "laws". What is law? A law becomes the rules for maintaining order of a society. In the view of religion, the law is ethical rules set by Kang Jeungsan to keep an order in the world. The first and second chapters of 「Law of Teaching」 have writings on 1. What Sangje said in person to the disciples, 2. The teachings Sangje gave to the disciples in certain occasions, 3. Reality of the society in late Joseon Dynasty, 4. Teachings related to the historical figures and old stories, and 5. Literatures. The third chapter has two special types of writing, which is about Taoism myths and statements written only in Chinese characters. In 『Daesoon Jeongyeong Volume 6』, the chapter 「Words of Law」 has more contents on edification for disciples, Cheok and resolving grudges with more detailed expression of woman resolving their piled up grudges. This chapter also has writings about discriminating old evil customs of Confucianism, emphasizing virtue and act of reciprocating for offered graces while training of one's mind and working on one's daily practice (shown in Sangje's saying about certain historical figures, quoting the Song of Suwun, statements in Chinese characters), Sangje's opinion about Japan, China, ancestral beings, eating raw foods, Byeokgok and others. In comparison with 「Words of Law」 in 『Daesoon Jeongyeong Volume 6』, which was issued in 1965 as the previous generation literature, 「Law of Teaching」 in 『Jeongyeong』 has many additional statements made to existing passages. Also, some passages were combined of two previous passages, some words were corrected, and in some passages, additional statements were made about the same person mentioned in another passage. And some passages were dropped. For the contents, 『Jeongyeong』 has additional statements about spiritual training of one's mind and practicing the teaching in daily lives, which indicates that 『Jeongyeong』 is focusing more on actual daily practice and the idea of overcoming hardships during the practice and realizing the principle of Resolution of all grudges.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.57
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• pp.197-228
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• 2019

This study was conducted under the judgement that there was a need to make several mentions by reference to studies about the spatial composition of the traditional village. The judgement was not about the dimension that there was a problem about the spatial composition of the existing village but that it would be effective to make a fresh reorganization of it in a little more detail. As a result, this study presented seven spaces in the spatial composition of the traditional village. It attempted to analyze it by dividing it into four spaces such as ① natural space, ② residential space and work space, ③ moving space and boundary space and ④ play space and ritual space to fit its basic nature. First of all, it made a pictorial presentation of the basic form of the spatial composition of the traditional farming village in the late Joseon Dynasty which was most general and whose form has been handed down up to the present. And it described the composition of each space accordingly. It was not intended for a specific village. So it presented the historical change, the behavior of the members surrounding the village and a difference according to the nature of the village, which were judged to be very important in explaining the items of the composition of each space. As a result, it was found that the spatial composition of the traditiona Korean village well embodied the framework of their life in terms of their view of nature, lifestyle and worldview. The view of nature acted on the spatial composition of the village as a whole and is well reflected in the natural space in particular. Their lifestyle is reflected in the residential space, farming space, moving space and play space, and their worldview is spcifically mirrored in the boundary space and ritual space. In particular, this study focused on how to take a look at the element of Feng-Shui in discussing the spatial composition of the village.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.6
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• pp.97-109
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• 2008

This study first attempted to catch the transformational affairs and motives of the representative pavilion, Hanbyeok in Honam after its construction. Especially, it re-illuminated the morphologic, significant and functional change process of a pavilion after the early Joseon Dynasty by taking the local scenery, Hanbyeokdang as a sample, and considering the space and scenic characteristics, and diachronically understood its creation process and rebuilt its inherent positional meaning to reach the following conclusion. 1. Weoldanglu, at its early foundation, seems to have stressed the function of a private banquet and lecture hall to train younger students, and served as a reception space. Then the reception function gradually increased, and up to before 1530, it seems to have been called Weoldanglu(月塘樓) or Weoldangwon(月塘院). 2. In 1619, Governor Yoo Saek changed the pavilion name to Hanbyeokdang through the subject of a poem. 200 years after Weoldang's death, it became a public space called Hanbyeokdang, an amusement place in which scholars cultivated great morale, and participated in the sending-off and welcoming of predecessors and successors. This seems to have taken a foothold as a public event or entertainment space for the local administration, Jeonjuboo(全州府) through the remodeling process sponsored by the public. 3. Scenic language such as its indicating name, expression type and surrounding view through old map and so on, the shape of Hanbyeokdang evolved and changed to diverse types after the foundation of Weoldanglu, at the heart of which Hanbyeokdang with its two legs standing at a rock was located. 4. During the late 18th century, Hanbyeokdang seems to have been a wing corridor connected closely to the left corridor of the Jeonju stream bed, whose pattern is presumed to have existed even during the early 19308. Such changes in scenic language make us assume that diverse auxiliary space, a wing corridor, was erected for use as a public banquet and amusement spot of Jeonjuboo Castle, the inherent function of Hanbyeokdang after the mid 18th century. 5. Penetration of Hanbyeokgool and the erection of Hanbyeokgyo caused the change of the ancient shape of Hanbyeokdang. Specifically, a great Hanbyeokgyo passing by the pavilion changed the relative scale, so the pavilion image of pursuing unity with nature has lost the old inherent refinement and visual character.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.152-176
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• 2022

This paper, a basic study on the restoration of arrow quivers during the Three Kingdoms Period, aimed to contribute details to the existing plan to restore the arrow quivers. The arrow quivers of the Three Kingdoms Period consist of a pouch for holding arrows and a backpiece. However, the two parts do not remain, and only metal parts have been excavated. The excavated arrow quivers were classified into three types for restoration. Centered on the pouch, the quivers were classified into type 1 made up of a W-shaped part and ㄷ-shaped part, and type 2 with only the band-shaped piece identified. Type 3 is similar to type 2, but it is assumed to be a separate type where an iron band extending from the hanging piece(吊手金具) is connected to a band-shaped piece. Before proposing a restoration plan for the three types of arrow quivers, the location of the hanging piece (吊手金具) and the observation of organic matter were reflected. In addition, such details as the location of the hanging piece (吊手金具), which cannot be identified by the excavation status alone, were derived from the ways of wearing the arrow quivers observed in the Joseon Dynasty, Shosoin (正倉院), and Haniwa (埴輪) in Japan. Referring to the existing record on the transformation of arrow quivers based on the hanging piece (吊手金具), the arrow quivers change from type 1 to types 2 and 3 in this paper. However, some of types 2 and 3 maintain the ways of wearing of type 1, and there were cases where the old-fashioned parts were kept. In particular, in Haman (咸安), it was confirmed that the typical type 1 was buried up until late periods.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.7
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• pp.560-576
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• 2018

Plato's ontology is closer to Holism, which is based on IDEA, than to Dualism, which regards the matter and soul as being independently from each other. According to his metaphysics, the sensory things are the copies of IDEA. and IDEA is the original of them. Hence human body and soul are not separate from each other, but are ontologically continuous and functionally complementary. The reason why Plato's view of education, which pursues the perfection of the soul, emphasizes the physical training and makes it the premise of study is this ontology. It seems that Park Eun-sik, an independent activist in the late period of Joseon Dynasty, has a view of education similar to Plato's. He emphasized the importance of education on martial art in order to restore the our people's inner quality, 'Mind(心)'. Both Plato and Park Eun-sik thoughts that the education of physical training and martial art was the premise of study to make the humanity they pursued. And they expected that the talented people raised through the curriculum proposed by them would lead the prosperity of the nation by fulfilling their respective roles in society. In conclusion, from the view of Plato and Park Eun-sik's thoughts, it can be said that, the education of physical training and martial art for students is the premise of the study for personal perfection of human beings, and essential curriculum for making the ideal state that they dreamed.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.167-178
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• 2021

For the preservation and efficient content sharing of 5 volumes (2,866 pages) of Yu Kil-Chun's book published in 1971, which provides an important collection of data for the study of modern Korean history during the late 19th century (enlightenment period of Joseon dynasty). The books were purchased and its preservation status investigated and documented electronically by scanning for permanent preservation of content and to determine the condition of preservation at the time of documentation. The degree of deterioration and damage, such as discoloration, hardening, breakage, and damage in these 50 years old modern printed books was quantified through image analysis and made attempts to visualize the damaged areas. It was observed that the degree of deterioration and damage depended on the material and the surface condition of the paper used, the degree of exposure to light, and the storage environment. The comparison of the preservation status at the time of the photographing (or scanning) and judgment as to whether or not the image under investigation was artificially modified was accomplished by comparing the electronically documented images of Seoyugyeonmun (西遊見聞) in Volume 1 of Yu Kil-Chun's works with images provided on other websites. Practical problems encountered while considering the effective preservation of electronically documented data and publicly sharing it, in the course of this study, with other academic researchers around the world were also summarized.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.63-73
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• 2007

Korean children's clothes have unique aesthetic characteristics distinguished from other countries'. Our folk beliefs handed down from ancient times always contained fortune - seeking thoughts and particularly mothers' earnest wishes for the happiness of their children were sublimated into the symbolic beauty of their children's clothes. The present study examined children's clothes in the royal family and among the people for 50 years of the transitional period from the late Joseon Dynasty to modern times, by classifying them into ritual dress for new-born babies, festival dress and everyday dress. Male children's clothes included caps such as Bokgeon(복건), Hogeon(호건) and Gulle(굴레) topcoats such as Durumagi(두루마기), Sagyusam(사규삼) Koija(쾌자) and Jeonbok(전복) and others such as Magoja(마고자), Baeja(배자), Joggi(조끼) and Bajijeogori(바지저고리), Female children's clothes included caps and head ornaments such as Gulle, Jobawi(조바위) and Daenggi(댕기) and others such as Durumagi, Jegori and Chima(치마). What is interesting is that old clothes handed down to the present are mostly boys' and few of them are girls'. This is probably because of the strong preference for boys rather than girls that continued until the end of the 20th century. Ordinary people dressed their new - born babies with simple white clothes until Samchilil (the 21st day) or Baekil (the 100thday) but, for these occasions, the royal family prepared clothes as formal as those for the $1^{st}$ birthday among the public. Rainbow-striped garments were more popular among the public than in the royal family. As rainbow colors were known to Korean people to dispel evil power and bring in fortunes, rainbow - striped garments were essential for the $1^{st}$ birthday and festive days. However, they were seldom used in ordinarytimes, and most boys and girls wore plain jackets and plain topcoats. When children's clothes in noble families were compared with royal family's ones, either handed down to the present or found in old literature, no significant difference was observed in the basic composition of everyday dress. In particular, it was found that Andong Kim's family had dressed their children with very formal dress such as Dopo and Sagyusam. Among children's clothes, the most gorgeous one was that worn on the $1^{st}$ birthday, and those for other occasions or festive days were similar or simpler. Colors, patterns and designs used in decorating children's clothes mostly had the meanings of seeking fortunes for children such as long life, wealth and prosperity.