• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.122-152
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• 2017

The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.41-67
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• 1991

Local autonomy of Korea's lower-level local council has been reinstated following elections last March for the first time in thirty years. Last June, we had elections for the upper-level local council. Mayors, governors, and administrative chiefs of cities, provinces and other local government bodies are slated for elections in the first half of next year. The impacts of local autonomy are taking effect in not only the political sphere, but also the administrative and economic spheres. In fact, it seems that some modification of all economic policy making and administration is inevitable. Since the initiation of local autonomy, in order to make the economy work more efficiently, it has become quite important to examine the impact of local autonomy on the national economy. The areas of local autonomy include independent legislative power, administrative power, organizational power, and most important of all, the independent public financial power of the local governments. The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of local autonomy on the national economy and ways of enhancing the role of local public finance to facilitate settlement and development of the local autonomy system. Local autonomy will contribute to the continuous growth of our economy, allow balanced development, and generate greater efficiency. However, local autonomy can also incur economic costs causing at times short-term price instability, inefficient resource allocation, through tax competition and tax exporting, and insolvency of local government due to abusive fiscal operation. To reduce these side effects, different alternatives must be considered. Local autonomy systems generally provide more efficient resource allocation than centralization. But in the model used in Chapter 3 of this paper, the relative efficiencies of both local autonomy and centralization are determined by comparing the elasticity of substitution between national public goods and local public goods. If the elasticity of substitution is bigger than one, centralization provides a more efficient resource allocation. The development of local autonomy could be attained through democratization of the local public finance system including the following three propositions. I) The independence of public financial power of local governments should be established over central government. Furthermore, a democratically operated scheme of intergovernmental fiscal coordination is especially necessary. 2) In the operation of local finance, direct democracy is needed to induce the voluntary participation of local residents. The residents can take part in planning both the local budget and the development of the community. To attain this goal, all the results of local finance operations should be made public. 3) Among economic ill-effects of the local autonomy system, the most serious one is the possibility of insolvency of local governments. Therefore, measures to limit abusive spending by the local governments should be introduced, such as the fiscal restraints system adopted in the United States.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.23-32
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• 2014

Quantitative rise and This study carried out qualitative research by utilizing NVivo 10 focusing on the contents of mass media such as newspaper or internet on the presidential security service up to the Park Geun-hye government from the 3rd Republic of Korea, which was established the presidential security service. The aim is to present opinion so that the presidential security organization can strengthen capability and function within the governmental organization down the road based on the contents of categories, which were elicited through this. First, there is a need of solidifying the internal stability with the expansion in the activity sphere of organization and of externally approaching the public with removing sense of difference caused by offering personal protection only to some of the privileged class in the meantime. Second, it is the foundation of a reason related to crime in a cause for Discharge by Authority pertinent to "law on security for president and others" in Article 10 in order to prevent a criminal act of having abused the task characteristic and the position superiority or an external pressure act related to intervention in rights. Third, there is a need of making it recognized as very important organization with putting differentiation from other organizations of the government by providing the disciplinary level more strictly than "disciplinary order on public officials" based on particularity and importance dubbed presidential security service along with correspondingly applying "disciplinary order on public officials" in Article 31 in accordance with "enforcement ordinance of law on security for president and others" in terms of service negligence and false-information report in relation to task performance.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.36
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• pp.525-559
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• 2013

Modern society has been exposed to various dangers and crimes in the process of globalization, informationization, decentralization etc. along with the development of material civilization under rapid changing societal environment. These factors are exerting a lot of effects in public security environments, as result there are gradual interest about crime and crime prevention. Realization of responsibility who take charge of social safety, from public security to private security, appears important topic at the moment. The positive point of view which private security industry is responsible to cope with security spheres instead of public security has been emerged from the reason that the public security has limitation to solve security problems for themselves. It is the time to make effort to compromise the public security and the private security industry to forecast social change and prevent dangers in the advance. In Korea, there has been close cooperation between public security and private security for decades. Strongly emerging and interesting sphere is "Private Investigation(Private Detective)" in Korea at present. There has been some proposed legislations of private investigation for decreasing burden of public security and social sympathy about possibility of private investigation system is increasing now. In this study, we focused on the introduction of private investigation system through the analysis of bill proposals for last 14 years, for instance historical aspects, contents, the differences among bill proposals. Among these, a comparison on bill proposals of the 19th National Assembly's during 2012 - 2013 were analysed mainly. We examined the importance point at issue items for introduction of private investigation system. Suggestions for introduction of private investigation system is as follows. The necessity of independent bill for developmental private investigation system is needed and the main body should be a juristic person instead of a individual for the public interest and responsibility. For the good service of private investigation and to prevent the unqualified person become a private investigator, the recruiting system and examination of private investigator should be prepared well and take into consideration anticipated problems. Also the necessity of definite jurisdiction department's appointment to divide responsibility in operation.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.6
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• pp.674-694
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• 2007

Recently private procurement projects for urban infrastructure have been emphasized and introduced by government(both central and local) as an important method to supplement public budget shortage and to improve creativity and efficiency in its construction and operation, and hence to promote regional development. But these private procurement projects seem to be implemented under the neoliberal condition of urban policy for private capital to extend its sphere of investment and to ensure its opportunity of profit. Such private procurement projects for urban infrastructure have been legislated and widely applied since 1994 in S. Korea, but in recent years they have triggered out a variety of serious problems. In results of this study on the private procurement for construction and operation of Burnan Road in Daegu, it can be pointed out, it has led serious problems such as overestimation of traffic volume in plan, over-appropriation of construction cost and appurtenant business, irYational operation and account of the operating firm, problem in refinancing and change in contents of practical agreement, and over-compensation of minimum operation revenue. Some measures that can be considered as alternatives to resolve those problems and to operate more rationally the Buman Road include those of increasing traffic revenues, of reducing supports of public financing, and withdrawal of (part or whole of) operational right from the private firm.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.152-176
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• 2014

Public opinion has dramatically shifted from positive to negative in Korea society especially since the IMF crisis. Such terms as 'aristocratic union', 'collectivism', 'damages on public interest' became a kind of conventional wisdom. Undoubtedly, media's representation has much to do with such a tantamount difference. This study thus attempts to understand the mechanism by analyzing media discourse related to labor strikes. For this purpose, this paper made a choice three cases including doctor-pharmacist dispute, general strike by truckers' solidarity, and Ssangyong Motor's strike. Total 217 editorial pieces of , and conceived to be a representative newspaper of ideological stance were analyzed. Research showed that while paying particular attention to demoralizing labor strikes, shed positive light on such disputes by articulating fundamental causes hampered by pro-capital policies along with anti-labor law enforcement. The believed to be relatively a neutral one showed ambivalent attitudes toward those cases. More favorable and inclusive reporting were found in accordance with policy shifts as well. Media's selective partisanship for the sake of private interests is firmly believed to downgrading credibility on Korean journalism. Also is fair, balanced and less biased reporting over socal disputes a vital part in crystallizing social consensus. In this consideration, the authors hoped this study to provide an opportunity to contemplate on what would be desirable journalistic values in modern democracy.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.115-121
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• 2014

Purpose: In addition to improving the quality of the PET image, through much research, the development of various programs are performed. Astonish TF reconstruction techniques by Philips can confirm the improved contrast of the lesion. Also, It's image reconstruction of 2 mm is possible with rapid reconstruction rate than conventional. In this study, we compared and evaluated Standardized Uptake Value (SUV) in accordance with the 2 mm reconstruction techniques and traditional 4 mm from the $^{18}F-FDG$ PET whole body image. Materials and Methods: In the phantom experiment, NEMA IEC body phantom (sphere: 10, 13, 17, 22, 28, 37 mm) was used to obtain images by using GEMINI TF 64 PET/CT (Philips, Cleveland, USA). Also, In the clinical images, we performed $^{18}F-FDG$ PET/CT examination to 30 women (age: $55.1{\pm}11.3$, BMI: $24.1{\pm}2.9$) with a diagnosis of breast cancer. After that, we reconstructed images in 2 mm and 4 mm respectively. The region of interest was drawn to acquired images. Since then, we measured SUV and statistically analyzed with SPSS ver.18 by using EBW (Extended Brilliance Workstation) NM ver.1.0. Results: After analyzing the result of the phantom study, there was a tendency that the bigger hot sphere size, the higher SUV. If you compared the 2 mm reconstruction techniques to 4 mm, it increased 95.78% in 10 mm, 50.60% in 13 mm, 25.00% in 17 mm, 30.04% in 22 mm, 31.81% in 28 mm, and 27.84% in 37 mm. Through the result of the analysis of the 2 mm reconstruction techniques and 4 mm in clinical images, it appeared that SUV of 2 mm was higher than that of 4 mm. Also the smaller the volume was, the more the change rate increased. Conclusion: After analyzing the result of the clinical picture and phantom experiments applied by Astonish TF reconstruction techniques, as the size of the volume was small, the change rate of the SUV increased. Therefore, it was necessary to further research about the SUV correction for accurate and active utilization of 2 mm reconstruction techniques which had excellent lesion discrimination ability and contrast in clinic.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.473-507
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to understand Zhuxi's Taoxuezhengzhi(道學政治) by reorganizing both his political opinion in each different political situation and his consistent political consciousness appeared in his whole political career. He concluded that the politics was the real problematic in Southern Sung, which made its structure distorted. This distorted structure of politics had widely rooted in whole sphere of society. In order to cure this political problematic, Zhuxi had focused on huangdi(皇帝) and chaoting(朝廷). That is why people is the basis of State and the result of politics, while huangdi and chaoting is the basis of politics and the beginnig of politics. According to Zhuxi, forming their political power group of their own will by using huangdi's power, the political elites close to only to huangdi made the function of chaoting unstable, with the result that the political decay produced. In chaoting, it resulted in the weakness of huangdi's power, the collapse of official discipline(紀綱), and the absence of public opinion(公論) and public aggreement(公議). Beyond chaoting, it resulted in the absence of political trust and the degeneration of public morals(風俗). In the Southern Sung were not altered the political orientation and culture based on the political decay, but only political orientation and characteristics of political elite only altered. This proves Zhuxi's approach that all problems in Southern Sung could resolve by the political approach. Zhuxi had suggested political issues in office. The alternatives for those political issues had basis of the theme, the one that saving people(恤民) is the purpose of politics. However his political ideas and the execution of them had been occsionally collapsed by the complex political structue, the mechanisms of political power, and the sameness and privatization of political geography in Southern Sung. Qingyuandanghuo(慶元黨禍) was the final stage of his political frustration, with the result that it led to the failure of Zhuxi's taoxuezhengzhi and interrupted the tradition of taoxue(道學) for the time being.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.135-141
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• 2024

The article examines the key constants of reengineering the modern educational cluster, associated with the processes of digital transformation of all spheres of modern socio-cultural space. The first constant is the strategic rethinking of the educational process organization and awareness of the new roles of all participants (tutors, applicants, controlling elements, etc.). The other constant involves practical re-design of the system of educational services, which consists in the reorientation from the traditional model of education functioning for society to the implementation of the educational format in the form of new projects (structural, target, business). Consequently, the purpose of the study is to highlight the attitudes relevant to the modern realities of information and technological support of education in the context of socio-economic interactions of society. The criteria for the reengineering of educational concepts and the structural organization of the educational sphere are defined. The modern world is going through a period of complete digital transformation of all spheres of public activity. The scientific intelligence notes that education is no exception in these processes, as the dependence of educational realities on information and computer technologies is now noted. The COVID-19 pandemic, for all its tragedy, was also a kind of trigger, clearly marking the new components that have become defined in the organization of the educational process. The conclusion is made that the use of digital technologies in the organization of the educational institution or in the organization of the educational process has become not an auxiliary element, but a dominant factor. Mobility, dynamism, interdisciplinarity, synergy - all these aspects are relevant for socio-economic interactions of society and should be provided by educational programs. The results of the study can be used in the reorganization processes of educational institutions and institutions. Further research requires aspects of the analysis of the foreign experience of reengineering in education, carried out taking into account digital transformations of modern sociocultural space.

• The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
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• no.35
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• pp.107-144
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• 2018

This paper summarizes the genealogy of post-war Zainichi magazines in Japan until 1959 and examines their meaning in the context of magazine history in Japan. The purpose of this paper is to prepare the framework to view characteristics of Zainichi magazines in Japan after the war until the present from a continuous and comprehensive perspective. Zainichi, who were left behind in Japan after the war began to project diverse aspects of their lives onto magazines. Despite the poor publishing environment, censorship of GHQ, shortage of writers and financial limitations, the Zainichi society did not give up the public sphere of magazines. The confusion in this time period acted as an element to expose limitations of Zainichi magazines in Japan. Most of magazines published in 1940s and 50s had to focus on political propaganda within the political frame, and many of such magazines were only published for a short term. In other words, it is ambiguous to define the majority of them as 'magazines' and a considerable number of them cannot even confirm the existence, making it difficult to examine the whole picture of magazines from this period. However, recently excavated materials indicate that most of Zainichi magazines in Japan attempted to reflect the reality of the Zainichi society in various ways, though they were confined in the political frame. The process in which language of magazines was changed from Korean language to Japanese and then again to Korean language suggests that Zainichi magazines in Japan tried to consistently express their existence in 'ethnicity,' 'homeland' and beyond, mediated by 'politics' and 'culture.' Moreover, the experience of seeking for the possibility of Zainichi culture in Japan from the flow of cultural movements in Japan during 1950s is an experience of seeking for a popular 'expression' that overcomes the political conflict of homeland. This reveals the diversity the Zainichi society to occur afterwards. A more precise study on individual magazines published during this period would be necessary in the future.