• 대한간호학회지
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• 제50권1호
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• pp.81-100
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• 2020

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to define and clarify the concept of political competence for nurses. Methods: A hybrid model method was used to investigate the dimensions, attributes, and definitions of the concept. In the theoretical stage of the study, literature on nursing, politics, and other discipline were reviewed. In the fieldwork stage, individual in-depth interviews and focus groups interviews were conducted with politically seasoned experts or activists who had an understanding of the concept of political competence for extensive descriptions in nursing and field of health care. Results: The concept of political competence was represented in four dimensions as political knowledge, political efficacy, political interaction, and political activity. In the political knowledge dimension, there were three attributes, namely, political knowledge, political information and systematic analysis ability. The political efficacy dimension had three attributes of internal political efficacy, external political efficacy, and self-pride of nursing profession. The political interaction dimension had three attributes of organizations and community service, networking, and persuasive power. The political activity dimension had six attributes of political leadership, political expression, assertive behavior, political advocacy, political participation, and policy intervention. Conclusion: This concept development might provide a basic understanding of developing a measurement tool and for constructing a theory promoting nurses' political competence.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제3권4호
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• pp.176-197
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• 2016

Despite being a key concept of International Relations theory, there is no consensus about what the national interest is. It is almost impossible for political leaders of democratic states to make a crucial decision in foreign policies when considering only the national interest without public support. Rather, we are unable to imagine the national interest without public opinion. In general, international crises galvanize people who held different opinions and unify social cleavages, such as secular-religious identities, into a nation that acts in its national interest. The author proposes a method to operationalize the key concept and describes a relationship between the national interest and religious identities in a democratic state. The selected case is the state of Israel. It is believed that Israel is a good example to think about the association between foreign affairs and political attitudes since it is characterized as a socio-religious divided society and has often waged war against Arab military forces.

• 의정연구
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.65-92
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• 2009

정치적 신뢰란 정부가 자신이 기대한 바대로 결과물을 산출하고 있는지에 대한 국민들의 주관적 인식의 결정체라 할 수 있다. 이 연구는 이러한 정치적 신뢰의 내생적(endogenous) 측면과 외생적(exogenous) 측면에 초점을 맞추어 정치적 신뢰가 어떤 요인들에 의해 영향을 받으며 또 어떤 정치적 결과를 만들어 내고 있는지에 대한 이론적 논의를 정리하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 정치적 신뢰의 변화에 영향을 미치는 요인으로 정부정책, 정치인의 비윤리적 행태, 국민들의 참여민주주의적 성향, 정부에 대한 국민들의 왜곡된 이해, 정치문화에 초점을 맞추어 각각의 요인들이 어떻게 정치적 신뢰를 변하게 만드는지 살펴본다. 또한 정부의 통치능력, 선거결과, 정치충원, 정부정책의 방향성의 측면에서 정치적 신뢰가 정치과정에 어떠한 결과를 만들어내는지를 알아본다.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제1호
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• pp.109-144
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• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

• 한국철학논집
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• 제42호
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• pp.259-294
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• 2014

유가 정치사상에서 중심 개념은 천天과 인人(=민(民))이다. 특히 유가 사상에서 천이 갖는 의미가 결코 작을 수 없음은, 그것이 형이상학적으로 인간과 천을 설명하는 리理와 결부되면서 정치의 분야에 까지 그 논의가 확장되고 있기 때문이다. 특히 '천명'의 개념을 배제하고서 동양의 정치사상의 본질을 논의하기 어렵다. 본고는 18세기 초의 일본에서, 그 동안 도덕적으로 정당하면서도 절대적인 권위를 지니고 있었던, 그러나 엄밀한 의미에서의 군주의 사적私的 차원이었던 '천天'의 정치화가 어떻게 공적公的인 '민民'의 차원으로 전환되었는가에 초점을 두어, 일본사상사에서 고학파古學派로 분류되는 대표적 사상가 이토 진사이(이등인재(伊藤仁齋))와 오규 소라이(적생조래(荻生?徠))의 학설을 중심으로 논의했다. 동양 정치사상사에서 주자학이 지녔던 거의 절대적이었다고 해도 과언이 아닐 정도의 권위가, 일본의 에도(강호(江戶)) 시대라는 독특한 공간에서 해체되는 과정을 거치면서 당연히 배태될 수밖에 없었고, 따라서 그동안 억눌렀거나 억눌렸던 '민'에 대한 새로운 차원에서의 해석과 개념 정립이 어떤 사유 과정과 논쟁 과정을 거치며 부상했는가를 탐구해 보고자 하는 것이 본고의 목적이다. 이토 진사이에 대해서는 그가 보았던 '민民'에 대한 관념을 재검토하여 인仁에 대한 문제의식과 함께 살펴보았다. 오규 소라이의 경우는 '선왕의 도'에 대한 개념과 ""육경"은 곧 물物이다"고 선언한 의미를 규명하면서 그의 안민천하의 정치론을 논했다. 이들 두 사상가가 펼친 정치관의 의미는 과거의 가치관을, 당대의 문제를 치유할 수 있는 일종의 치유책으로 제시하고 있다는 점이다. 그것이 진사이에게서는 '인'의 새로운 해석에 바탕한 '왕도의 구현'으로 나타났고, 소라이에게서는 '선왕의 도'에 바탕한 도덕으로부터의 정치의 독립이라는 형태로 나타난 것이다.

• 한국연극학
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• 제52호
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• Strategy21
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• 통권41호
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• pp.174-207
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• 2017

Human history shows diverse strategies for survival and prosperity. This study introduces the concept of the expansion of wealth as a key to explain choice and behavior of political entities. American scholar, -Bruce Bueno de Mesquita-, offers theoretical grounds for this concept in that the cores of selectorate theory is settled. The political entity consists of two groups, -the winning coalition that has power to replace leader and non-winning coalition that has not. Leaders implement policies serving for the welfare of winning coalition in return for their loyalty. Both internal problems caused by demographic changes and external ones of climate changes, epidemic disease, or invasion compel leader and winning coalition to adopt policies of expansion that they believe may lead to the acquisition of wealth needed to counter those problems. The process starts by occupying one spot where other entities reside and then connecting it to its own. The line between spots functions as a foothold to form a new line to other spots. By repeating this process, a space is created in which new laws and orders are instated. In the early stage of expansion, war is hardly avoidable. Once finished successfully, the political circumstance tilts to encourage economic activities in order to generate national revenues to strengthen political power of winning coalition. However, as scale of economic activities grows, so does political power of civic classes in production and trade. To gain financial support required to run the political entity, delegation of power or bestowing autonomy to non-winning coalition is inevitable. Thus, expansion is not the ultimate solution, only to prolong the political survival if succeed. Maritime power came to attractive option when overland expansion had become obstructed. It offered much greater advantages in terms of political risks and financial burdens in exploring new regions of precious commodities than overland expansion. Each political entity around world have been, for the first time in human history, connected by maritime means since 15th century. It is worthy of noting that land conditions propelled people out to sea. Political and economic situations created opportunities to exploit geographical position in pursuit of wealth. In the 21st century, we witness the operation of international winning coalition that presides over the rules of expansion. Competing for market is synonymous to the expansion in this era, the cause and aim of it has not been changed though. Energy and dollars are key factors of expansion since the end of the 2nd world war. No matter what the forms and conditions change, naval power is still the most relevant means for expansion as it retains unique characters of maneuver, flexibility, continuity, display and projection of power. The strategy for using naval power should be in line with two different approaches for expansion: Approaches to the international winning coalition by making contribution to world order, and approaches to the non-international winning coalition by enhancing military diplomatic activities. The former will serve our share of winning coalition while the latter will open chances to acquire further prosperity.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제70권
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• pp.189-218
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• 2015

이 논문이 살피고자 하는 것은 공중이라는 용어의 다양한 의미들이 아니라 이 말로 표현되어 온 특정한 한 의미다. 이 의미란 '공적 문제에 대해서 동료 시민들과의 공유된 이해와 동의된 판단을 형성하기 위해 대화와 토론에 참여하는 시민'이라는 개념이다. 이 개념은 존 듀이나 한나 아렌트, 위르겐 하버마스 그리고 제임스 케리 등과 같은 학자들의 주장의 핵심적 요소로 사회와 언론에 대한 서구의 비판적 연구와 민주주의에 대한 탐구에 중요한 이론적 토대였다. 이 논문의 목적은 이러한 공중 개념이 한국의 비판적 커뮤니케이션 연구에서 어떻게 수용되어 왔는가를 살피는 것이다. 여기서 '비판적 커뮤니케이션 연구'는 전통적으로 비판 커뮤니케이션 연구라 불려 왔던 연구뿐만 아니라 커뮤니케이션 현상의 사회적 의미를 탐구하고 평가하려는 연구들을 총칭하는 용어로 사용된다. 이 논문은 한국의 비판적 커뮤니케이션 연구가 동의에 지향된 담론적 정치 참여 행위에 의해서 규정되는 이러한 공중 개념을 분석적 범주로서 사용해 오지 않았다는 것을 주장한다. 이 개념에 기반하고 있는 서구 학계의 많은 주장들이 한국의 비판적 커뮤니케이션 연구의 주요한 이론적 자원이었음에도 불구하고 이 개념이 분석적 범주로서 무시되어왔다는 사실은 한국의 비판적 커뮤니케이션 연구의 성격과 한계를 드러내 준다.

• 디자인학연구
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• 18호
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• pp.37-48
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• 1996

For succesful political advertisements the role of mutual communications between advertisers and their targets (i.e. voters) should be magnified, which must be based on the understanding of voter's life-style including the trends of daily life, their philosophy and attitude toward the contemporary matters. During the campaign period for the last parliamentry election the most important issue was nothing but who could be the best representer of their region without any political considerations compared to previous election and the decision made by voters has been evaluated as one of most brilliant ones so far. One thing to note from the last election is that many new faces have been high lighted and that could not have been possible if they could not differentiate their campaign from one of unchanged senior politicians by calling more attentions of voters to them by scrutinizing competitors' election pledges. The differentiation strategy in election campaigns is basically detecting small signs of changes in voters life\ulcornerstyle, bringing them into relief and provoking voters attentions to the election and advertiser. In this sense niche marketing strategy is the differentiating strategy itself and it can be a useful guide in political advertisement for the triumph of advertiser in elections as well as for heathy and fresh political environments on the basis increased attentions of voters. In this paper, aiming at further development of the niche marketing in political advertisements we propose questions whether the niche marketing in the last parliamentary election was introduced on the basis of concept of differentation by analysing last election's strategies targeted at voters specific dispositions.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제32권
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• pp.369-405
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• 2006

본 연구는 정치적 소수자의 하나인 대학생을 중심으로 인터넷 시대에 나타날 수 있는 정치참여의 양태의 변화를 고찰하는데 그 목적을 두고 있다. 특히 전통적인 오프라인의 정치참여 뿐만 아니라 새로운 온라인 정치참여 방식의 발현이 어떻게 나타나는지에 대해 정치효능감과 정치신뢰감을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 총 221명의 대학생을 대상으로 설문조사를 시행한 결과 몇 가지 점을 발견할 수 있었다. 첫째, 전반적으로 정치효능감은 오프라인 및 온라인 모두에 걸쳐 정치참여에 정적인 영향을 미치는 주요한 변인으로 나타났다. 둘째, 반면 정치신뢰감은 어떤 형태의 정치참여방식에도 독립적인 영향력을 미치지 못하였다. 셋째, 정치효능감과 정치신뢰감의 상호작용효과는 온라인상의 정치참여에서 나타났다. 높은 정치효능감의 집단에서 낮은 정치신뢰감을 갖고 있는 사람들이 상대적으로 온라인 정치참여도가 높게 나타났다. 반면 중간 정도의 정치효능감의 집단에서는 높은 정치신뢰감을 가진 사람들이 가장 높은 정치참여도를 보였다. 그러나 낮은 정치효능감 집단에서는 정치신뢰감의 크기에 상관없이 거의 정치참여를 하지 않는 것으로 나타났다. 차후의 연구에서는 이 두 변인 외에 다른 변인들과의 관계를 포함하여 보다 포괄적인 정치참여의 구조모형을 설정하는 것이 필요할 것이다.