• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.5
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• pp.557-570
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• 2006

This study attempts to analyze the spatial disparity between supply and the demand of volunteering activities in Daegu, South Korea. The spatial disparity of volunteering activities has been strongly influenced by the residental disparity in terms of socio-economic level. The ratio of volunteers is mostly determined by income and education level that strongly impact the spatial distribution of residential area. The regional difference of ratio of volunteers is greater among Gu districts than in Dong level. The recipients for the volunteering activities have been likely to reside in a particular area within a Gu district; so, regional difference of the recipients was severe in dong level rather than Gu level. It is strongly recommended to exchange volunteers among regions to reduce the spatial disparity between the volunteers and the recipients.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.86-98
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• 2013

This study began with the fact that the relationship between eductional environments and housing price needs to be understood in the context of the structuring of socio-spatial disparity. In other words, this paper focuses on the fact that the eduction with public features and functions plays a role of housing price determination and the rising price is privatized only to cause socio-spatial inequality. The study first examines how the education factors determine the housing price and cause increasing social inequality in Seoul at the macro level. It also carried out more detailed quantitative analysis on the relationship between educational environment factors and housing price with the case study of Yangcheon-gu, Seoul. This study found out that the close relationship between educational environment, housing price and social disparity at various spatial scales. It also figured out the the educational environment factors play an important role of housing price determination as much as material features per se. This means that the relationship between education, housing price and inequality needs to be dealt with not just socially but also in spatial perspective. In addition, the housing price determination is not just technical research but an social science issue in the context of rising socio-spatial disparity. This study is of only significance as a starting point of promising related researches in the future and much more efforts will be needed.

• Journal of Korean Society for Geospatial Information Science
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• v.10 no.5 s.23
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• pp.29-43
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• 2002

Accesses to lands, houses, the Internet and other utilities are regarded as basic human needs to escape poverty and are required to recognize the relationships between the digital divide and socio-economical inequality. The digital divide might not be a single technical disparity, but stems from a complicated mixture of economic and socio-technical symptoms of inequality. There is growing awareness of scrutinizing causal mechanisms between the digital divide and poverty since combating poverty could be a primary step to mitigate the digital divide. In this paper, the Hexad model is proposed to explicate poverty interpretation by using 6 parameters as a major tool for partly assisting in poverty monitoring system in connection with land information. A solution model of the Internet is suggested to break the digital divide. It expounds a conceptual framework and new idea for poverty management to notify spatio-temporal locations of poor actors and geography of the digital divide when efforts of poverty eradication hinge on understandings of geographic location of digital disadvantaged groups through parcel-based land information.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.91-105
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• 2005

The assessment (or the evaluation) of spatial disparity is the main concern for the study of spatial disparities or spatial inequalities. In order to evaluate the spatial disparity, the regional differences have to be counted quantitatively. Several measurements have been introduced for evaluating the development potentials of each region. Most of them are the composite indices of the socio-economic variables rather than the real potentials of the region. This study attempts to investigate the spatial disparity in Korea. For the purpose, the levels of opportunity potentials of the cities have been calculated by the Potential Model redefined by Lee(1995). The opportunity potentials have been calculated for the educational, cultural, medical service, environmental sectors, income, and consumption sectors, and the spatial patterns of various opportunity potentials have been analyzed. The spatial patterns of opportunity potentials show the severe concentration on the Metropolitan Seoul area through all sectors. The next level concentration appears at the other end of the Keuyng-Bu axis. And the cities relatively high opportunity potential values are distributed along the Keuyng-Bu axis. Remain parts of the country show quietly low opportunity potential values. In particular, the southern-west and the northern-east parts show relatively very low values. This pattern appears for all sectors except for the opportunity potential of the environmental sector. It means that the spatial disparity in Korea have been promoted and enhanced by the national development policies concentrated the investment on the large cities along the Keuyng-Bu axis during the last 40 years.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.389-410
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• 1995

Large metropolitan areas in the US are distinguished by highly fragmented fiscally independent suburban municipalities and special districts. The suburban fragmentation implies the congregation of similar socio-economic groups escaped from central cities and the disparity of geographical resources among local government jurisdictions. This study examines St.Louis County suburbs as a case study for the implictions of suburban governmental fragmentation and the fiscal disparities across local governmental boundaries by analyzing their relationship with public service provision using police and public school services as examples. The distribution of fiscal resources across political boundaries, the processes which created them, and public service inequalities reproduced from the disparity of fiscal resources reveal the causes and consequences of suburban governmental fragmentation. The central part of suburban fragmentation is the segregation of public goods consumption reproduced from the disparity of local fiscal resources, and it acts as a basic geographical segregating force in the suburban spatial organization.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.137-165
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• 1994

Structural adjustment of industry (or industrial restructuring) seems to be inherent in the process of capitalist economic development, which tends to be proceeded with shifts from one stage to another in order to overcome structural crises generated in each stage. The structural adjustment of industry is necessarily accompanied with regional restructuring, since it is not only projected on spece, but also mediated by space. Such a restructuring necessitates industrial and uneven regional devlopment through which capital can seek excessive profits over the rate of socio-spatial average. The industrial restructuring and uneven regional development in the 1980s in Korea can be seen as a process in which capital attempted with a strong support of the govenment to overcome the crises in the end of 1970s and hence to go on rapid economic growth. In this process, capital, especially monopoly capital concentrated into few conglomerates, pursued both extensive expansion and intensive development of industry simultaneously. In results, the Korean economy could eliminate some of peripheral characters and maturate the Fordist accumulation system. The extensive expansion of the Korean industry in the 1980s was stimulated mainly through the enlargement and adjustment of investment for equipment facilities which was planned to exclude or rationalize traditional light industries on some places, and to continue rapid growth of key heavy-chemical industries, especially of fabricated metal industry, on other places. In this process, keeping mainly the existing developmental axis which polarized the Seoul Metroplitan region and the Southeast region in Korea, the enhancing spatial mobiiity of capital and the further differentiating division of labour enforced a tendency of concentration of all types of industry in the Seoul Metropolitan region, and at the same time provoked the diffusion of some industries over Jeolla and Chungchong regions in a considerable extent. The intensive development of industriai structure in the 1980s was pursued through the strategic encouragement of subcontracting small firms mainly which produced assembling components, the technical enhancement and factory (semi-) automation, and the enrichment of service industries for estate management, finance, distribution and retailing which supported and complemented the production of goods. In this process, enabling capital to extend and elaborate its domination over space through the reorganization of regulating systems, the Fordist division of labour generated a socio-spatial hierarchy in the nation-wide scale that characterized: the Seoul Metropolitan region as an overmaturated (or overarching) Fordist region performing the conceptive functions of management, research and development, in which all types of industry (including service industries) tended to be reconcentrated; Kyungsang region as a maturated Fordist region with excutive branches of large conglomerates and with subcontracting firms around them which produced standardized products through the automized production processes in secialized Fordist industries or rationalized traditional industries; and Jeolla and Chungchong regions as newly devloping Fordist regions with newly migrated branches and some subcontracting small firms-in relatively older Fordist industries or partly rationalized traditional industries. From these analyses, it can be argued that the structural adjustment of the Korean industry in the 1980s, which had carried out both through the extensive expansion and the intensive deveiopment, strengthened further uneven regional development process, even though it appears to have reduced apparently the economic and regional disparity by balancing numerically large and small firms and by extending the Fordist industrial space nation-wideiy. And it seems more persuasive to see that the Korean industrial structure in the 1980s maturated the Fordist system of accumulation, but not yet transformed towards the post-Fordist (or the so-called flexible) accumulation system, even though the Korean economy in the 1990s seems to be under a pressure of restructuring towards the latter system.