• Journal of Korean Society of Rural Planning
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.19-28
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• 2024

This study investigated and analyzed the landscape conservation activity promotion process targeting the 'Alassiasdeuli Community Farming Association Corporation', which is carrying out continuous rural landscape conservation activities led by local residents in the area of Yeohang Mountain, Yeohang-myeon, Haman-gun, Gyeongsangnam-do. Through this, the factors necessary to promote rural landscape conservation activities led by residents were identified, and implications necessary for rural landscape conservation activities led by residents were derived. The first factor that allowed Alassiasdeuli to pursue resident-led rural landscape conservation activities was the fact that an economically stable foundation was established before pursuing conservation activities. Rural landscape conservation activities are carried out based on continuous agricultural activities, and agriculture is closely related to the economic aspect. Accordingly, Alassiasdeuli had a small but regular income from the package business, and was able to carry out various rural landscape conservation activities based on this. Second, within the community, a sense of purpose for rural landscape conservation was shared as a common value. It started with common values that were in line with rural landscape conservation, such as an economic community based on agriculture, indigenous seed conservation, and eco-friendly agriculture, and later, awareness of traditional agriculture and rural landscape conservation was gradually established through members' continued empowerment and related experiences. It has been done. Third, various connections and cooperative relationships were established with residents, related organizations, and administration. We established cooperative relationships by recruiting local organizations and residents as active participants beyond program participation, and exchanged information and expanded the scope of activities by establishing networks with organizations such as the 'Gyeongnam Darang-Non Network'. In addition, through connection with administration, we experienced various projects and ensured the sustainability of activities through support. Fourth, there was a keyman who could organize activities and control the scale of support projects, taking into account the awareness and capabilities of members. In particular, it is thought that this was possible because the Secretary General was based on building a relationship of trust with residents before Alassiasdeuli was formed. Therefore, in order for resident-led rural landscape conservation activities to be continuously carried out, an organization must be formed centered on farmers, and the economic sustainability of the organization, sharing of common values, and trust relationships among members are the basis, and the Sustainable activities can be promoted through various cooperative relationships between residents, organizations, and administration.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.49
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• pp.229-263
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• 2024

The purpose of this article is to elucidate the origins of the symbolic significance of traditional Korean talismanic ornaments such as dried pollack, bokjori (luck-bringing strainer), silk threads, and sokotture (a nose-block). Previous studies have primarily interpreted the magical meanings of these ornaments based on their shapes or functions, but such approaches are limited due to this likely being an ex-post-facto interpretation. This study argues that the symbolic meanings of these ornaments originated from the socio-economic characteristics of the time. These items were food resources or products closely related to the economic activities of the people of the time, and therefore, could be considered symbols of abundance and fortune. In particular, dried pollack served as an important food resource and commodity during the Late Joseon Dynasty, even functioning as a quasi-currency, and considering that fish are seen as symbols of abundance and fertility in various cultures around the world, its symbolic significance becomes clearer. Bokjori and sokotture acquired the meaning of abundance by being associated with major goods or properties of the time such as rice and cattle, and silk thread was linked to sericulture, a significant source of income for farmers of the time. These economic characteristics form the basis of the symbolism of these ornaments, and the function of these talismans can be seen as a secondary symbolism added in the process of social justification of these customs. This study reveals that economic motives underlie magical-religious customs and suggests that a broad consideration of the cultural and ecological environment of the time is necessary to understand the origins and transformations of cultural phenomena.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.78-117
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• 2017

Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.71-82
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• 2005

Khori(高麗) refers to the Chaabog(reindeer) that live on lichens(蘚) on Mt. Soyon(鮮) in which pastures are the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia. Thus, the origin region of the Khori or Koguryo that are the ancestors of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads(馴鹿 遊牧民) can be said to be the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas of North Eurasia and North America. When the pastoral nomads moved on to the great mountain(大山) zone of the Jangbaek(長白) to the Baekdu(白頭) Mountains, they could have been in contact with pastoral farmers or agricultural farmers living there and they became the farmers remaining on agricultural farms. They were the Koryo people, the ancestors of Korea. Staying in one place, they gradually forgot the origin of their reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic history in the Northwest area of Mt. Soyon, the small mountain(小山) zone of the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas. In other words, they lost their identity as reindeer-herding pastoral nomads when they entered the agricultural area after leaving the pastoral area. However, since their basic genes had already formed when they lived on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia, it is possible to study their pastoral nomadic history focusing on 'the minority living in the broad area(廣域少數)', by utilizing highly advanced biotechnological science and focusing on genes and information technology innovation, and removing various past hindrances in research. Therefore, it is not so difficult to restore the reindeerherding pastoral nomadic history of the Koguryo(高句麗) people and secure their pastoral nomadic identity, of which the first steps have already been taken into their historical stages. The Eurasian continent and the Korean peninsula, especially the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the Korean peninsula have been closely related to each other ecologically and historically. They can never be a separate space at all. The Eurasian continent lies horizontally east to west and thus, the continent forms an isothermal zone. Also, since the time of producing their own foods, it was relatively easy for people with their technology to move to other places owing to the pastoral nomadic characteristic of mobility. Unlike the Chungyen(中原) region, western Asia and the regions covering the Siberia-Manchu-Korean peninsula where food production revolution was first made were connected to the Mongolian lichens route(蘚苔之路: Ni, ukinii jam) and steppe roads. Although the ecological conditions of nature have changed a bit throughout a long history, it was natural for the many tribes in North Asia living on the largest Steppe-Taiga-Tundra area in the world to have believed 'the legends related to animals in relation to their founders and ancestors(獸祖傳說)'. Assuming that Siberian tigers and the tigers living on Mt. Baekdu were connected ecologically and genetically because of the ecological characteristics of the animals, and their migration from plateau to plateau, we would suspect that the Chosun(朝鮮) tribe living on Mt. Baekdu were ethnically and culturally more closely connected to the farther removed Ural-Altai tribes that lived on the cold and dry plateau region than to the Han(i14;) tribe who lived in Chungyen(中原) that was close to Mt. Baekdu. More evidence is the structure of the Korean language which has the form of 'Subject + Object + Verb', which is assumed to have originated from the speedy lifestyle of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads. The structure is quite different from that of the Han(漢) language, which is based on agricultural life. Also, it is natural for reindeer riding reindeerherding pastoral nomads or horse-riding sheep-herding pastoral nomads(騎馬, 羊遊牧民) to have held military and political power over the region and eventually to have established an ancient pastoral nomadic empire in the process of their conquest of agricultural regions. The stages for founding global empires in the history of mankind maybe largely divided into two, in terms of ecological conditions and occupations. They are the steppes and the oceans. Of course, the steppe-based empires were established based on the skills to deal with horses and the ability to shoot arrows while riding horses, along with the use of iron ware in the 8th century BC. The steppe-based empires became the foundation for an oceanic empire, which could have been established by the use of warships and warship guns since the 15th Century. Based on those facts, we know that Chosun, Puyo(夫餘), and Koguryo are the products of a developmental process of pastoral nomadic empires on the steppes. Maybe we can easily find the pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo more than we expected when we trace the origins and history of the Korean tribe living in the pastures located in the northwest area of Mt. Jangbaek by focusing on pastoral nomadic mobility and organization just as we have investigated the historic origins of Anglo-Saxons in America by focusing on the times before the 15th Century. In the process, we should keep in mind that English culture originated from the Industrial Revolution and was directly delivered to the American continent, although America was far from England and was not an intermediate point on long sojourns either. Further, American culture came back to England in a more advanced form later. The most important thing currently to be resolved is to cause Koreans to look back on their own history in a freer way of thinking and with diverse, profound, and sharp insight, taking away the old and existing conventional recognition that is entangled with complicated interests with Korean people and other countries. The meanings of Chosun, Khori, and Solongos have been interpreted arbitrarily without any historic evidence by the scholars who followed conventional tradition of fixed-minded aristocrats in an agricultural society. If the Siberian cultural properties of the stone age, the earthenware age, the bronze age, and the iron age are analyzed in such a way, archaeological discovery will never be able to contribute to the restoration of the Koguryo's pastoral nomadic identity. One should transcend the errors that tend to interpret the cultural properties discovered in the pastoral nomadic regions as not being differentiated from those of agricultural regions and just interpret them altogether from the agricultural point of view. A more careful intention is required in the interpretation of cultural properties of ancient Korean empires that seem to have been formed due to mutual interactions of pastoral nomadic and agricultural cultures. Also, it is required that the conventional recognition chain of 'reverse-genes' be severed, which has placed more weight on agricultural properties than pastoral nomadic ones, since their settlement on agricultural farms was made after the establishment of their ancient pastoral nomadic empires. There is no reason at all to place priority on stoneware, earthenware, bronze ware, and iron ware than on wooden ware(木器) and other ware which were made of animal skins(皮器), bones and horns(骨角器), in analyzing the history in the regions of reindeer or sheep pastures. Reading ancient Korean history from the perspective of pastoral nomadic history, one feels strongly the instinctive emotions to return to the natural 'mother place'. The reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo people that has been accumulated in volumes in their genes and hidden deep inside and have interacted organically could be reborn with Burqanism(Burqan refers to 不咸 in Chinese), which was their religion by birth and symbolized as the red willow(紅柳=不咸). The mother place of the Koguryo's people is the endless vast green pastures of North Eurasia and North America, where we anticipated the development of Korean livestock farming following the inherent properties in the genes of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads with Korean ancestors. We anticipate that the place would be the core resource that could contribute to the development of life of living creatures following the inherent properties of their genes and biotechnological factors. In other words, biotechnology used for a search for clues on the well-being of humans could be the fruit brought by Burqanism of the Koguryo people and the fruit of the globalization of Korean livestock farming. It is the Chosun farmer in China come from the vast nomadic reindeer pastures of North Eurasia that resolved the food problem of a billion Chinese people with lowland paddy rice seeds (水稻) by transforming Heilongjiang Province(黑龍江省) into an oceanic lowland paddy rice field(水田). Even Mao Tse-tung(毛擇東) could not resolve the food problem by his revolution campaigns for tens of years. Today is the very time that requires the development of special livestock farming following the inherent properties of the ancient Korean reindeer-herding pastoral nomads that respected the dignity of life on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the America continent. I suggest that research should be started from the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe in East Mongolia that was the homeland of Hanwoo(韓牛) and the central horse-herding steppe place(牧馬場) of Chingis Khan's Mongolia. The Dariganga Steppe is awash with an affluent natural environment for pastoral nomadic living however, the quality of life of the pastoral nomads there is still low. I suggest we Koreans, the descendents of the Koguryo, should take our first steps for our livestock farming business project and develop the Northern nomadic pastures, here at the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe, which is the Mongolian core place of state-of-the-art technology for military weapons.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.26
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• pp.151-185
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• 2007

The main industry of the Chosun dynasty was farming, which was related to the people's lives in every respect. By the end of the Chosun dynasty commerce was a new industry becoming increasingly more beneficial. I study how these two industries were being expressed in the classic Sijo. The classic Sijo is a main literary genre created by the upper-class. Even though industry was very important for sustaining the Chosun dynasty, Confucian scholars and government officials(members of the upper class) didn't actually work in the industries of farming and commerce. But sometimes they returned to their rural hometowns, because they owed large amounts of land which they let the servants farm for themselves. As the main composers of Sijo were these Confucian scholars and government officials, I study a collection of their Sijo which expresses the life of industry. In order to achieve this goal, I analyze several sides of the classic Sijo : for example, its writers(along with their personalities) throughout different periods: the point of view of persona; and the specific life of industry and the way it is expressed in the Sijo. First, I look at the writers of the different periods and their personalities. During the fourteenth century to the seventeenth century, the main writers of Sijo on the life of farming were Confucian scholars and government officials. During the eighteenth century to the nineteenth century, the main writers of Sijo on the life of farming were Confucian scholars, government officials, and also commoner singers-the unnamed writers. Second, I look at the point of view of persona. During the fourteenth century to the seventeenth century, the personas were the country man(one's lord and master) and the farmer, who was of two kinds of people : i.e., those trying to work together and those really working together. During the eighteenth century to the nineteenth century, the personas were the country man, who was satisfied with his rural life as overseer to farming, and two kinds of farmers : those who farmed very hard by themselves, or those who criticized the failed tax system. Third, I discuss the specific life of industry and the way it is expressed in the Sijo. During the fourteenth century to the seventeenth century, the writers of Sijo expressed, in a general way together in one Sijo, different kinds of work for example, plowing a dry field and a rice field, picking wild vegetables, and cutting rice and weed. During the eighteenth century to the nineteenth century, the writer of Sijo expressed different kinds of work in a more specific way, each in its own Sijo : for example, buying and selling, bringing land under cultivation for farming. weaving, digging for water, and heavy taxation. I look at three aspects of Sijo concerning industry, but there still remain several aspects of Sijo to study, such as those concerning worship of the king, and those concerning high officials, the common people, and the being of things.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.318-339
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• 1994

U.S. had given large amount of cotton to Korea as food aid program since 1945. This cotton aid had negative impact on cotton culture in Korean agriculture. Korean government used counterparts funds (sale proceeds of food aid) not for investment to agriculture sector, but for military budgets. And food aid on program type had influenced general economic policies, which neglected agricultural sector too. Anti-agricultural policy which was helped by U.S. food aid, had caused cotton cultivator an economic loss. So this economic loss had made many farmers abandon cotton culture. But in our times, cotton is cultivated for the purpose of domestic consumption in a few rural villages. The purposes of this study are 1) to analyze the process of spatial reduction of cotton culture since 1945 in regional contexts in Korea, and 2) to identify the function and meaning of cotton culture which does not pay off in agricultural region. Materials for acreage of cotton culture are acquired through the agricultural statistical year book(1952-1989) and census. To clarify the meanings of cotton culture, field survey are conducted in a rural village which is identified as only one where cotton was cultivated in 1993. In these contexts, this study has come to the following conclusions. In the period of under the rule of Japanese Imperialism (1910-1945), G. arboreum, species of cotton which was traditionally cultivated since 1364, had been driven out. And G. hirustun species, which is suitable for the production of highly qualified textile, has been hierarchically diffused by policy. In these period, regional structure of Korean agriculture was reorganized for the provision with food to Japan. Crops leading this dependent spatial structure were rice and cotton. So agricultural region, specialized with cotton, were distributed in the hinterland of the area which is specialized with rice. U.S. cotton aid to Korea began in 1947. U.S. took an interest in agricultural export because of her domestic surplus of cotton. Cotton aid is one mechanism by which U.S government developed agricultural market in recipient countries, Specially in the exchange rates, up-valuation of won to the U.S. dollars made domestic cotton more expensive than cotton imported, Production cost of domestic cotton is higher than Government's purchasing price of cotton which was also more expensive than price of cotton imported. Korean farmer could not help abandoning the cultivation of cotton, and this gave rise to spatial reduction of cotton culture. Spatially, cotton culture was abandoned in early stage of reduction in regions where stand at a disadvantage climatically, and in next stage in regions where other up-land crops which paid off in urban market, eg, fruits, could be cultivated. In the stage of extinction, cotton was cultivated only in area where G. hirustun species was originated in Korean peninsula. This region is not only suitable climatically for cotton culture, but is far away from urban market. Use of cotton produced is not for spinning, but for fillings of comforter. The main purpose of cotton culture in rural village is not for cotton yields, but for increase of production of seasame, which is grown together with cotton as mixed crops. Cotton product are used for domestic consumption and sold out to gin house. Though cotton culture is not paid off, farmer wanted to cultivate continuously for the cultural purpose, and they wanted the cotton culture promotion policy with the goverment subsidy.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.121-150
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• 1997

This Study puts the purpose to explicate the regionalities of land-lease farming by a comparative analisis of the five case study areas in Kungpook Province as the agricultural space system of Teagu metropolitan city. For the regional comparative analysis the province was divided into the three zones with the distance from the central city(Teagu): urban fringes, intermediate and remote zone, and then subdivided into the five regions by farming systems : horticulture, rice-farming, and dry-field farming. The data were collected from 77 land-leasing farmers by questionnaire and interview with farm managers in 5 sample villages representing the regionalities of the above five regions respectively. In spite of relatively restricted scope of the research areas, the analytical results appear remarkable regional differences in the characteristics of land-lease farming within a single agricultural space system. In the final analysis the regionalities of the five land-lease farming regions could be described respectively as follows. (1) Koryong-Gun in the inner urban fringe zone : The developing land-lease farming region of commercialized suburban horticulture with medium scale. (2) Songju-Gun in the outer urban fringe zone : The developing land-lease farming region of highly commercialized horticulture with large scale. (3) Uisong-Gun in the intermediate zone : The stagnated land-lease farming region of commercialized rice-farming with large scale. (4) Yongil-Gun in the intermediate zone : The stagnated land-lease farming region of commercializing dry-field farming with medium scale. (5) Ponghwa-Gun in the remote zone : The stagnated and delayed region in commercializing of intermountain dry-field land-lease farming with small scale. These varied regionalities resulted from the diverse spatiality as a complex of spatial orders and localities. The spatial orders in this study are frequently recognizable as a form of distance-decay, and the locality of a region is determined mostly by the its peculiarity of physical and population conditions. In the comparative analysis of the regionalities the degree of commercialization of a region is a most comprehensive and useful frame of reference because it reflects the degree of development of capitalist land-lease farming. Finally these apparent regional differentiations of land-lease farming within a agricultural space system raise the problem of impracticality of the existing uniform logic on the land-lease farming such as "large scale farms share larger part of leased farmland." This problem suggests the urgent need of reappraisal of many aspatial logics and theories on the land-lease farming.

• Korean Journal of Environmental Agriculture
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.137-145
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• 2012

BACKGROUND: Along with the surplus rice production, introduction of upland crop cultivations into newly reclaimed tidal areas has gained public attentions in terms of farming diversification and farmers income increase. However, its impacts on the surroundings have not been well studied yet, especially associated with nutrient balance from reclaimed upland cultivation. The objective of this study was to investigate water and nutrient balance during winter barley cultivation as affected different fertilization methods. METHODS AND RESULTS: TN and TP balance for three different plots treated by livestock compost, chemical fertilizer, and no application were monitored during winter green barley cultivation (2010-2011) at the NICS Kyehwa experimental field in Jeonbuk, Korea. Nutrient content in soil and pore water near soil surface appeared to increase, while sub-soil layer remained similar with no fertilization plot. Livestock compost application appeared to increase organic matter content in surface soil compared to chemical fertilization. Crop yield was the greatest with livestock compost application (10.6 t/ha) followed by chemical fertilization (6.9 t/ha) and no application (1.8 t/ha). The nitrogen uptake rate was also greater with livestock compost (52.4%) than chemical fertilizer (48.1%). Phosphorus uptake rate was much smaller (about 7.0%) compared to nitrogen. Nutrient loss by surface and subsurface runoff seemed to be minimal primarily due to small rainfall amount during the winter season. Most of the remaining nutrients, particularly phosphate seemed to be stored in soil layer. Phosphate accumulation appeared to be more phenomenal in the plot applied by livestock compost with higher phosphorus content. CONCLUSION: This study demonstrated that livestock compost application to tidal upland may increase barley crop production and also improve soil fertility by supplying organic content. However, excessive phosphorus supply with livestock compost seems likely to cause a phosphate accumulation problem, unless the nitrogen-based fertilization practice is adjusted.

• Journal of Practical Agriculture & Fisheries Research
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.193-206
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• 2014

The objectives of the project are to increase farmers' income through GAP and to reduce the loss of agricultural produce, for which the Korean partner takes a role of transferring needed technologies to the project site. To accomplish the project plan, it is set to implement the project with six components: construction of buildings, installation of agricultural facilities, establishment of demonstration farms, dispatching experts, conducting training program in Korea and provision of equipments. The Project Management Committee and the Project Implementation Team are consisted of Korean experts and senior officials from Department of Agriculture, Myanmar that managed the project systematically to ensure the success of the project. The process of the project are; the ceremony of laying the foundation and commencing the construction of training center in April, 2012. The Ribbon Cutting Ceremony for the completion of GAP Training Center was successfully held under PMC (MOAI, GAPI/ARDC) arrangement in SAl, Naypyitaw on June 17, 2012. The Chairman of GAPI, Dr. Sang Mu Lee, Director General U Kyaw Win of DOA, officials and staff members from Korea and Myanmar, teachers and students from SAl attended the ceremony. The team carried out an inspection and fixing donors' plates on donated project machineries, agro-equipments, vehicles, computers and printer, furniture, tools and so forth. Demonstration farm for paddy rice, fruits and vegetables was laid out in April, 2012. Twenty nine Korean rice varieties and many Korean vegetable varieties were introduced into GAP Project farm to check the suitability of the varieties under Myanmar growing conditions. Paddy was cultivated three times in DAR and twice in SAl. In June 2012, vinyl houses were started to be constructed for raising seedlings and finished in December 2012. Fruit orchard for mango, longan and dragon fruit was established in June, 2012. Vegetables were grown until successful harvest and the harvested produce was used for panel testing and distribution in January 2013. Machineries for postharvest handling systems were imported in November 2012. Setting the washing line for vegetables were finished and the system as run for testing in June 2013. New water tanks, pine lines, pump house and electricity were set up in October 2013.

• Journal of Animal Environmental Science
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.201-210
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• 2008

Farmers directly spread the livestock manure compost on their arable land as an organic fertilizer. However, there are some difficult problems to solve. first, we are unsure of whether the livestock manure compost can meet the nutritional demand of plant. Second, application of the current powered livestock manure compost to crop land is very difficult work due to heavy weight of compost and its powdered shape. For this reason, this study was carried out to develope high quality pelletized livestock manure compost. In pelletizing process with composted manure, the optimal water content for pelletizing was around 30$\sim$40%. When rice bran was mixed with 5% as a bonding agent on volume basis, the pelletizing effect was remarkably improved. On a dry matter basis, the contents of N and P of manure compost were 1.31%, and 0.58%, respectively. After pelletizing, the contents of compost pelleted were 1.37% and 0.54%, respectively. The same parameters of pelletized compost made by screw type Instrument were 1.37% and 0.53%, respectively. The other hand, N and P content of pelletized compost made by pellet mill type instrument were 1.06% and 0.18%, respectively.