• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.95-130
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• 2006

Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.83-102
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• 2021

The government recently announced various policies for developing big-data and artificial intelligence fields to provide a great opportunity to the public with respect to disclosure of high-quality data within public institutions. KSURE(Korea Trade Insurance Corporation) is a major public institution for financial policy in Korea, and thus the company is strongly committed to backing export companies with various systems. Nevertheless, there are still fewer cases of realized business model based on big-data analyses. In this situation, this paper aims to develop a new business model which can be applied to an ex-ante prediction for the likelihood of the insurance accident of credit guarantee. We utilize internal data from KSURE which supports export companies in Korea and apply machine learning models. Then, we conduct performance comparison among the predictive models including Logistic Regression, Random Forest, XGBoost, LightGBM, and DNN(Deep Neural Network). For decades, many researchers have tried to find better models which can help to predict bankruptcy since the ex-ante prediction is crucial for corporate managers, investors, creditors, and other stakeholders. The development of the prediction for financial distress or bankruptcy was originated from Smith(1930), Fitzpatrick(1932), or Merwin(1942). One of the most famous models is the Altman's Z-score model(Altman, 1968) which was based on the multiple discriminant analysis. This model is widely used in both research and practice by this time. The author suggests the score model that utilizes five key financial ratios to predict the probability of bankruptcy in the next two years. Ohlson(1980) introduces logit model to complement some limitations of previous models. Furthermore, Elmer and Borowski(1988) develop and examine a rule-based, automated system which conducts the financial analysis of savings and loans. Since the 1980s, researchers in Korea have started to examine analyses on the prediction of financial distress or bankruptcy. Kim(1987) analyzes financial ratios and develops the prediction model. Also, Han et al.(1995, 1996, 1997, 2003, 2005, 2006) construct the prediction model using various techniques including artificial neural network. Yang(1996) introduces multiple discriminant analysis and logit model. Besides, Kim and Kim(2001) utilize artificial neural network techniques for ex-ante prediction of insolvent enterprises. After that, many scholars have been trying to predict financial distress or bankruptcy more precisely based on diverse models such as Random Forest or SVM. One major distinction of our research from the previous research is that we focus on examining the predicted probability of default for each sample case, not only on investigating the classification accuracy of each model for the entire sample. Most predictive models in this paper show that the level of the accuracy of classification is about 70% based on the entire sample. To be specific, LightGBM model shows the highest accuracy of 71.1% and Logit model indicates the lowest accuracy of 69%. However, we confirm that there are open to multiple interpretations. In the context of the business, we have to put more emphasis on efforts to minimize type 2 error which causes more harmful operating losses for the guaranty company. Thus, we also compare the classification accuracy by splitting predicted probability of the default into ten equal intervals. When we examine the classification accuracy for each interval, Logit model has the highest accuracy of 100% for 0~10% of the predicted probability of the default, however, Logit model has a relatively lower accuracy of 61.5% for 90~100% of the predicted probability of the default. On the other hand, Random Forest, XGBoost, LightGBM, and DNN indicate more desirable results since they indicate a higher level of accuracy for both 0~10% and 90~100% of the predicted probability of the default but have a lower level of accuracy around 50% of the predicted probability of the default. When it comes to the distribution of samples for each predicted probability of the default, both LightGBM and XGBoost models have a relatively large number of samples for both 0~10% and 90~100% of the predicted probability of the default. Although Random Forest model has an advantage with regard to the perspective of classification accuracy with small number of cases, LightGBM or XGBoost could become a more desirable model since they classify large number of cases into the two extreme intervals of the predicted probability of the default, even allowing for their relatively low classification accuracy. Considering the importance of type 2 error and total prediction accuracy, XGBoost and DNN show superior performance. Next, Random Forest and LightGBM show good results, but logistic regression shows the worst performance. However, each predictive model has a comparative advantage in terms of various evaluation standards. For instance, Random Forest model shows almost 100% accuracy for samples which are expected to have a high level of the probability of default. Collectively, we can construct more comprehensive ensemble models which contain multiple classification machine learning models and conduct majority voting for maximizing its overall performance.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.17
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• pp.112-144
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• 2001

This study attempts to analyze how and why Chosun Ilbo and Hankyoreh Shinmun produce particular social discourses about the media reform in different ways. In doing so, this paper attempts to disclose the ideological nature of media reform discourses in social contexts. For the purpose, a content analysis method was applied to the analysis of straight news, while an interpretive discourse analysis was appled to analyze both editorials and columns in newspapers. As a theoretical framework, an articulation theory was applied to explain the relationships among social forces, ideological elements, discourse practices and subjects to produce the media reform discourses. In doing so, I attempted to understand the overall conjuncture of the media reform aspects in social contexts. The period for the analysis was limited from January 10th to August 10th this year. Newspaper articles related to the media reform were obtained from the database of newspaper articles, "KINDS," produced by Korean Press Foundation, in searching the key word, "media reform". Total articles to be analyzed were 765, 429 from Hankyoreh Sinmun and 236 from Chosun Ilbo. The research results, first of all, empirically show that both Chosun Ilbo and Hankure Synmun used straight news for their firms' interests and value judgement, in selecting and excluding events related to media reform or in exaggerating and reducing the meanings of the events, although there are differences in a greater or less degree between two newspaper companies. Accordingly, this paper argues that the monopoly of newspaper subscriber by three major newspapers in Korean society could result in the forming of one-sided social consensus about various social issues through the distorting and unequal reporting by them. Second, this paper's discourse analysis related to the media reform indicates that the discourse of ideology confrontation between the right and the left produced by Chosen Ilbo functioned as a mechanism to realize law enforcement of the right in articulating the request of media reform and the anti-communist ideology. It resulted in the discursive effect of suppressing the request of media reform by civic groups and scholars and made many people to consider the media reform as a ideological matter in Korean society.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.71-83
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• 2018

Recently, there are many efforts to define the field of entrepreneurship as an area of independent study. According to Shane & Venkataraman, the study of entrepreneurship is moving toward understanding the combination of entrepreneurial individual and valuable opportunity in becoming entrepreneurs. In Korea, entrepreneurship education is spreading widely on the basis of universities and in 2010 the entrepreneurship major was created in Sookmyung Women's University for the first time in Korea. The results of this study are as follows. First, there are many research about examining the relationship between entrepreneurship education and entrepreneurship intention. Nevertheless, there are lack of the study focusing on the opportunity recognition which many scholars have recognized as the independent study field of entrepreneurship domain. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the effect of satisfaction of entrepreneurship major education on entrepreneurial opportunity recognition and to examine the mediating effect of entrepreneurial opportunity recognition according to educational commitment. The questionnaires were carried out for 3 weeks to entrepreneurship major students in Sookmyung Woment's University. A total of 84 surveys were collected and statistically analyzed by the R program. As a result of the analysis, it was found that the satisfaction of education positively influences the recognition of entrepreneurial opportunities. Commitment also has a full mediating effect on the recognition of entrepreneurial opportunities. The results of this analysis confirm that the ability to recognize entrepreneurial opportunity is developed by entrepreneurship education, and during the study students' commitment has an important role in the relationship between educational satisfaction and entrepreneurial opportunity recognition. The results were verified through empirical analysis. Satisfaction with entrepreneurship education and awareness of entrepreneurship opportunities through entrepreneurship can be anticipated as entrepreneurship activities in the future.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.55-99
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• 2016

The paper investigates X-project, in which the public was invited to participate in a national R&D project, examines how X-project attracted the public's attention and involved them in a national R&D project, and discusses the significance and limitations of X-project. X-project was executed by a 12 citizen-led committee, financially supported by the Ministry of Science, ICT, and Future Planning, and backed by the Science and Technology Policy Institute. People raised 6,212 questions that reflected the severe needs they experienced in their daily lives through the online and offline platforms of X-project. In addition, the committee members, scholars, experts, government officials, and citizens gathered together to select the fifty most provocative and novel of the questions raised by the public, and invited public participation to answer the questions in innovative ways. 310 research teams including professional researchers from universities and institutes, high-school students, lay persons, and corporate workers applied for X-project, and 54 of these teams were finally selected to receive funding from the government. Through planning and conducting X-project, as well as interviewing and surveying the participants in X-project and non-participants, we found that there was an enormous social consensus on the necessity of public participatory national R&D projects. People asserted that science and technology should put a greater focus on solving social problems and satisfying public needs. We also confirmed that the public could take part in national R&D projects. Most of all, we found that the questions raised by the public were very challenging, novel, and complex, and thus researchers need break-through approaches to address them. It can be also argued that through experiencing the X-project citizens can regard themselves as ones who are not only recipients of the benefits of the development of science and technology, but also contributors of the development of them. We finally argue that there are some limitations to X-project in terms of how to provide diverse incentives that attract more participation, how to develop the process in which people got involved in the project in more easy ways, and how to create new ways for lay persons and professional researchers to cooperate in solving social problems.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.32-40
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• 2017

The introduction of neo-Confucianism as the ideological foundation of Joseon, and its root Confucianism have become the origin of the life, scholarship and ideology of the Korean people. Additionally, it was considered the best to follow the teachings of the discipline's advocates including Confucius (孔子), Mencius (孟子), Zisi (子思), ZhuXi (朱子). Among these teachers, ZhuXi was the one who overtly presented the way of self-discipline, of which goal lies in attaining the character by the manifestation of vitality (氣 ki) and rationality (理 i) and contemplating on them. As he regarded natural places with mountains and waters as stages and tools for practicing toward the enlightenment, Confucian scholars in Joseon also followed his example in the spirit of honoring and studying ZhuXi (尊朱子, 學朱子), which became the basic thoughts and practical philosophy among them. Ryu, Junggyo, the neo-Confucian dogmatist, was no exception to applaud the nature, as he designated and ruled Okgye Gugok. On the basis of these backgrounds, this study aims to estimate the geographic places of Okgye Gugok, which was set by Ryu, Junggyo, a Confucian scholar in late-Joseon period, by collecting and analyzing the basic data, starting from Gareung-gun Okgye Sansugi(嘉陵郡玉溪山水記) which is the primary text authored by Seongjae Ryu, Junggyo. The literature study is followed by ten field trips to the estimated locations of Okgye Gugok, and verification of the estimations by three locals who were born and raised in Okgye Gugok. Coordinates and photographs were obtained as spatial data for each location of nine Gok(曲) estimated through this study. They will serve as a primary and critical data for story-telling and tourism resource in Okgye Gugok. The significance of this study is that it provides the primary data for designating the locations of Gok(曲) in Okgyeo Gugok.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.67-74
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• 1985

According to the records that all the people in our country were taught the way of braiding the hair and hatting in the first year of 'Tangun' (the founding father of the Korean nation) and that the discipline between sovereign and subject, man and woman, and the standard of food, drink and dwelling were originated from that year, it seems that all the people in our country had lived with keeping a certain standard of food, clothing and shelter, and with maintaining the order in life from ancient times. So, our country have been called 'the Eastern Land of Courtesy' and also regarded as 'the country of the true gentle-man' which was characterized as the custom of a humane, and as the country that had the immortality since a benevolent person lived to a great age. Thus, all the people in our country have lived with keeping and maintaining a certain standard of all aspects in life, and the philosophy in life that we have today was established by the influences of our characteristic thought, Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism and Christianity, especially the life style in the Chosun Dynasty Period have strong influence on our today life. Thus, the contents concerned with the standard of custume life among those of all life in the Chosun Dynasty Period was studied, and clothes itself is unable to give expression to its ends but when the relationship that is, the inter-harmony among clothes, the body which will be dressed in, and the inherent psyche in that body is formed, then the ends, the complete beauty will be expressed. Though there were many studies dealt with clothes itself, no one was concerned with the all kinds of standard in activities that the dresser should keep, so the purpose of this article is that as above. The literature search is used as the research method. The eight books, 'Noneo' (the Analects of Confucius), 'Yeogi' (the Book of Courtesy), 'Sohak' (the book of Precepts for child-ren), 'Yeosaseo'(the Women's Four Books), 'Sasojeol'(Korean Scholars' Minor Principles) 'Eonhaenaehoon' (Private Moral Instructions for Women), 'Woo-am seonsaeng kyenyeoseo' (Master Woo-am's Cautions for Girls) and 'Kyoobangkasa' (the Lyric Lines of the Boudoir) that had influenced the whole field of life in the Chosun Dynasty Period are analyzed, selected and finally arranged for studyilng the foundation of culture of the clothing and for helping to that culture in modern and future life. The results are as follows: 1. The standard of the clothing life in the Chosun Dynasty Period had deeply rooted in the teaching of confucianism, but also had been influenced by the custom which rooted in our people. 2. There is the emphasis upon the trinity among mind, clothes and activities in the clothing life. 3. The clothing and hat have to be dressed symmetrically in full of all required elements, 4. There is the harmony between the clothing with hat and environments or surroundings. 5. The true elegance in the clothing life will be realized not by the exterior outfit but by the interior outfit with the attitude of chastiny. In conclusion, as the material of clothing life in the Chosun Dynasty Period has the characteristics of the simplicity, the cleanliness, the elegance and the refinement, our clothing life is to be mastered with the simplicity, the cleanliness and the elegance in that life and with the harmony between the inside and the outside.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.49
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• pp.611-631
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• 2017

At first there was practice, then festivals and theory followed. Compared to the animation production, which is older then the medium film itself, festivals and theory in this area started with a delay. While animation programs where shown in film festivals like Cannes since the mid 1940s, the first animation festival in Annecy, France was founded in 1960, followed by several short-lived events in Romania, Italy and Tokyo and finally in 1972 by the second oldest festival up to date, Animafest Zagreb. Animation theory evolved in the late 1980s in the Anglo-American area with associations like the Society for Animation Studies, following its 'big sister' film studies. Expanding ever since as a research area, European animation studies in e.g. France, German speaking countries, Poland or Croatia have been catching up in recent years by organizing theoretical conferences and publications. A vivid synergy between practice, festivals and theory has always been a key factor for establishing a platform for the art form and culture of animation. However, in the past few years a trend could be observed towards a more intense interaction between animation festivals and theory. Animation festivals are hosting theoretical and scientific symposia or conferences, which are open for artist positions and insights into the industry. At the beginning of the lecture a short reflection of the concept of Animafest Scanner itself is followed by an introduction of the Symposium Expanded Animation at the media festival Ars Electronica Linz. The talk will subsequently focus on the multilayered academic symposia at the Festival of Animated Film ITFS and the International Conference on Animation, Effects, VR, Games and Transmedia in Stuttgart. These case studies will reveal the blurring boundaries between art, science, theory and industry as well as the specificities of the interplay between artists, practitioners, scholars, curators and festival visitors in different formats.