• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제8권4호
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• pp.453-477
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• 2020

This research is a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods. It analyzed reputation factors for the personal branding of journalists in Thailand. Research tools were in-depth interviews and an online questionnaire with 33 variables. Eleven journalists and informed sources were interviewed. A total of 1,262 survey respondents were divided into three groups including 586 recipients, 416 news people, and 260 academics. Data were analyzed using content analysis and factor analysis. It was found that the reputation factors for the personal branding of journalists in Thailand consisted of 1) the professionalism in rich and reliable news reporting, 2) the ability to use communication technology that increases prominence and career opportunities 3) the social responsibility in reporting news events, 4) the key opinion leaders who speak up for people to monitor in the government for peace in society, and 5) the use of experience in developing news reporting capabilities.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제56권
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• pp.7-25
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• 2011

이 연구는 한국 사회에서 신문이 방송을 겸영함으로써 여론 다양성에 위기를 불러온다는 전망과, 정반대로 여론 독과점 해소에 기여한다는 주장이 학계에서 대립하며 소통이 막혀있는 현실에 주목하고 과학적 접근을 통해 학문적 토론을 점화하는 데 목적이 있다. 신문과 방송 겸영에 따른 여론 다양성 문제를 과학적으로 분석하기 위해 실제로 방송을 겸영할 조선일보, 중앙일보, 동아일보가 사실에 근거해 여론을 형성해왔는지 '신방 겸영론'을 중심으로 분석했다. 이어 세 신문사가 신방겸영을 주장한 논리적 근거로 제시한 규제 완화와 경제 살리기, 일자리 늘리기 보도들에서 다양한 관점이 드러났는지, 아니면 특정 프레임(frame)이 지배적이었는지 실증적으로 탐색했다. 이어 세 신문사 방송이 자리할 객관적 조건이 한국 공론장(public sphere)의 여론독과점과 어떤 관련성이 있는지 여론조사와 설문조사를 근거 자료로 분석했다. 과학적 분석 결과 '조중동 방송'은 여론 독과점을 심화시킬 수밖에 없다고 전망한 이 논문은 그렇지 않다고 판단하는 연구자들과 학문적 토론을 기대하고 있다.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.222-245
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• 2020

In the pandemic crisis, many governments implemented harsh interventions that might contradict democratic values and civil liberties. In Taiwan, the debate over whether or not to reveal personal information of infected persons to limit the coronavirus's spread poses the democratic dilemma between public health and civil liberties. This study examines whether and explains how Taiwan's people respond to the choice between individual privacy and collective security. We used survey data gathered in May 2020 to show that, first, the democratic values did not deter the pursuit of collective safety at the cost of civil liberty; rather, people with higher social trust were more likely to give up their civil liberties in exchange for public safety. Second, people who support democratic values and pursue collective security tend to avoid violating privacy by opposing the release of personal information. This study proves that democratic values do not necessarily threaten collective safety and that the pursuit of common good can co-exist with personal privacy.

• International Journal of Contents
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• 제5권3호
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• pp.33-39
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• 2009

This study tested a path model of agenda building examining the relationship among the media, the public and the presidential statements on the issue of drug abuse during the Bush administration's War on Drugs. The results showed that a dynamic and interactive relationship among aforementioned actors. First, the real-world conditions strongly increased both media coverage and presidential statements. Second, the news media and president influenced each other. Third, public concern, however, did not function as a significant factor in agenda-building process in this study. The result of this study indicates that Bush was not utterly a reactive or proactive president in terms of his relationship with the media. That is, news media and the president interacted regarding the drug issues; the relationship between President Bush and the media for drug issues was reciprocal.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.1-22
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• 2019

In the age of continuous media change and the coexistence of multiple forms of media, the relationship between the public's media use and political participation is an urgent area of study. This paper makes use of large national sample surveys from 2002, 2011, and 2015, summarizes the change of the public's media use by descriptive statistics analysis, and finds that while the Internet has become an important communication channel, the use of Internet for political information and political participation is still overestimated. Compared to the weak impact of different media channels for political information on political participation, the frequency of media exposure and Internet use play a significant role in political participation. Because of the negative effect of the frequency of Internet use on political participation, the democratization function of the Internet needs to be treated with caution. This paper describes media use and its roles in contemporary China, analyzes the impact of media use on political participation, and extends the cross-cultural application of the theory of political communication.

• Strategy21
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• 통권34호
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• pp.93-127
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• 2014

During the four years following the sinking of the Cheonan frigate in 2010, the South Korean public opinion has seen changes in four basic ways. First, public polls with respect to the cause of the sinking show that 70% of the people consider North Korea as the culprit, while 20% maintain that it was not an act carried out by North Korea. Second, the opinions relative to the cause of the incident seem to vary according to age difference, generational difference, and educational difference. From 2011, people in their 20s showed 10% increase in regarding North Korea as the responsible party. People in their 30s and 40s still have a tendency not to believe the result of the investigation carried out by the combined military and civilian group. Third, the most prominent issue that arose aftermath of the Cheonan incident is the fact that political inclination and policy preference are influencing the scientific determination of the cause. In other words, scientific and logical approach is lacking in the process of determining the factual basis for the cause. This process is compromised by the inability of the parties concerned in sorting out what is objective and what is personal opinion. This confused state of affairs makes it difficult to carry on a healthy, productive debate. Fourth, rumors, propaganda, and disinformation generated by pro-North Korea Labor Party groups in the internet and SNS are causing considerable impact in forming the public opinion. Proposed Strategy 1. The administration can ascertain public trust by accurately determining the nature of the provocation based on accurate information in the early stages of the incident. 2. Education in scientific, logical, rational methodologyis needed at home, school, and workplace in order toenhance the people's ability to seek factual truths. 3. In secondary education, the values of freedom, human rights, democracy, and market economy must be reinforced. 4. It is necessary for the educational system to teach the facts of North Korea just as they are. 5. Fundamental strength of free democratic system must be reinforced. The conservative, mainstream powers must recognize the importance of self-sacrifice and societal duties. The progressive political parties must sever themselves from those groups that take instructions from North Korea's Labor Party. The progressives must pursue values that are based on fundamental human rights for all. 6. Korean unification led by South Korea is the genuine means to achieve peace in a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. The administration must recognize that this unification initiative is the beginning of the common peace and prosperity in the Far East Asia, and must actively pursue international cooperation in this regard.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.1-21
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• 2015

A recent public opinion survey found that the anti-corporate sentiment of South Korean citizens is primarily due to the misbehavior of Korean corporations. South Korean citizens' skepticism of corporations may hinder the democratic and economic development of the country. As a driving force for community development, social capital is considered to enable citizens to collaborate with one another to resolve a shared problem. Specifically, this study pays attention to the relationship among social capital, corporate capacity, and trust, which may perhaps contribute to developing a democratic environment in Korean society. The study aims to explore whether Korean citizens' perceived corporate bonding and bridging social capital affect corporate capacity for collaborative action and trust in corporations. A Web survey of 385 South Koreans was conducted. The findings show that perceived bonding social capital among employees is positively related to corporate capacity for collaboration action. Moreover, perceived bonding among employees and bridging social capital between employees and local residents are positively related to corporate capacity for collaboration action and trust in corporations. These findings suggest that researchers and practitioners for organizational development and community-building need to enhance corporate social capital.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.1-14
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• 2017

The Fukushima nuclear accident caused by an earthquake and a subsequent tsunami on March 11, 2011 has seriously impacted the environment surrounding the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant. While all the residents near the plant were evacuated from the area deemed uninhabitable after the accident, residents of the neighboring area outside of the evacuation zone still seem to live in fear of invisible radiation. To understand Fukushima residents' thinking about the environmental risks that accompany a nuclear disaster, we utilize a poll of the residents of Fukushima conducted in 2013. Based on the survey data, we reveal factors that seem to strongly affect their knowledge and concerns about nuclear power plants. The results of the multivariate analysis show the importance of the following two factors: (1) confidence in mass media, and (2) trust in institutions in charge of administering the accident, especially the central government, the Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency, and Tokyo Electric Power Company. We conclude that the more people trust mass media and particular institutions, the more likely it is that they are have an elevated sense of anxiety and fear of the presence of nuclear plants.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제5권3호
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• pp.175-191
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• 2018

This exploratory study considers the difference between personal and perceived societal values related to South Korean women's role in the home, workplace, and society using eight items asked on the Korean Academic Multimode Open Survey (KAMOS), May-July 2017. Factor analysis showed that these eight items could be grouped into two categories: women's role in her family and women's in the outside world. Of the 2,000 respondents, 54.1% personally agreed that "Both the husband and wife should contribute to their family income." People in their 30s felt the largest gap between their personal and societal values; women also felt a larger gap than men. Those who watched television more were generally more conservative than those who used the Internet more. People who felt a smaller gap between societal and personal values were more likely to feel proud to be a Korean citizen. People who believe that it is better not to marry felt a bigger gap between some societal and personal values on items relating to whether a wife should work, whether a woman's housework or paid job is more valuable, and whether women's job performance is equal to men's. People who believe that divorce is sometimes acceptable were also more likely to feel a bigger difference in two items: the item about job performance and an item about whether a married woman's social status is dependent on her husband's.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제2권4호
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• pp.279-306
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• 2015

Americans continue to have beliefs in the paranormal, for example in UFOs, ghosts, haunted houses, and clairvoyance. Yet, to date there has not been a systematic gathering of data on popular beliefs about the paranormal, and the question of whether or not there is a convincing trend in beliefs about the paranormal remains to be explored. Public opinion polling on paranormal beliefs shows that these beliefs have remained stable over time, and in some cases have in fact increased. Beliefs in ghosts (25% in 1990 to 32% in 2005) and haunted houses (29% in 1990, 37% in 2001) have all increased while beliefs in clairvoyance (26% in 1990 and 2005) and astrology as scientific (31% in 2006, 32% in 2014) have remained stable. Belief in UFOs (50%) is highest among all paranormal beliefs. Our findings show that people continue to hold beliefs about the paranormal despite their lack of grounding in science or religion.