• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.1-12
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• 2022

A good story persuades people to act. The mobilizing power of a story, however, does not necessarily rely on informational fidelity. During political unrests, word-of-mouth can intermix facts with unverified claims and emotional outrage, often transforming reality into convincing rumor stories. This rapid communication article discusses how rumor publics (dis)approve and participate in 2019 Hong Kong Protests. This survey study finds that police injustice and brutality were the predominant themes of the collected rumor stories, although some stories contained mixed views or anti-protest claims. Rumors of police injustice and brutality were associated with less negative attitudes toward the protests, especially when respondents believed the story. The relationship between rumor stories and protest participation was less obvious, except for rumors about an individual protester's whereabout. This study discusses the ways in which rumor is embedded in contentious political processes.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.105-131
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• 2015

This article is based on a research conducted from 2009 to 2012, on the political disputes in Thailand. During the data collections periods, it was common to hear the frustration, bitterness and anger, expressed by the Redshirts, especially those who lived in the northeast and northern regions. Coming from the said research, this paper will examine the relationship between emotions and rights. According to the sociology of emotions, there are connections between macrolevel social processes and the arousal of emotions. Emotions arising from macrostructural processes may affect individuals at the microlevel, prompting them into actions collectively. In addition, expressions of resentment and articulation for vengeance can be interpreted as the emotions related to the awareness of rights, which may include the rights to one's needs and the access to resources that fulfill such needs. It will demonstrate how emotions, political demonstrations and the increasing awareness of rights, are related.

• Journal of Korean Public Health Nursing
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.491-503
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• 2012

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to measure empowerment and to identify factors influencing empowerment. Method: Subjects included 767 clients registered with the customized home visiting health services in Daegu. Data collection was performed from June 3 to July 30, 2011. Descriptive statistics, ${\chi}^2$ test, ANOVA, and stepwise multiple regression were used in this study. Results: The mean score for total empowerment was 3.01(${\pm}0.28$). In subscales of total empowerment, the score for individual empowerment was 2.97(${\pm}0.36$), the score for interpersonal relationship empowerment was 3.09(${\pm}0.34$), and the score for political-social empowerment was 2.96(${\pm}0.48$). Job, education, economic status, living arrangement, and client classification were significant factors related to total empowerment in these clients. Job, education, economic status, types of health insurance, living arrangement, age, and client classification were significant factors related to individual empowerment, interpersonal relationship empowerment and political-social empowerment. 4.4 percent of the variance in total empowerment can be explained by education and living arrangement (Cum $R^2=0.044$, F=13.207, p<.001). Individual empowerment, interpersonal relationship empowerment, and political-social empowerment can be explained by education, job, economic status, and living arrangement. Conclusion: An empowerment intervention that includes general characteristics of clients is essential to improving empowerment of customized home visiting health care services beneficiaries.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.25-46
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• 2011

The state-sangha relations in the countries of Theravada Buddhism has often been described as a mutually dependent patron-client relation in which the state and the sangha support each other by performing their due roles. Yet this theory involves a normative dimension that prescribes such a relation as the ideal in the Buddhist world. The explanatory power of this theory hence is hampered in a country where the ideal is not fully realized. In the wake of tumultuous political upheaval where political rivals vie for the state the ideal as well as the theory are put into a trial. The tragic history of modern Cambodia is a history of ceaseless conflict in which multiple contenders for the state had to define their relations with the sangha. The relations defined turned out less mutual than supposed. The state-sangha relations were rather unilaterally dependent. More often than not the sangha was subject to state control with no power to confront the state or coopted only to become a tool for political propaganda and manipulation. The sangha always played the role of client, waiting for the state to define the relation and to be benevolent. Even when the monks were forced to disrobe and when the sangha itself was annihilated, all they did was to wait for another patron state that would put the sangha back in place. The state-sangha relations the Cambodian history reveals were not close to one in which the two parties benefit each other on an equal basis. It was a patron-client relationship in which the client sangha had to be heavily dependent on the patron state. Such a unilaterally dependent relationship is the one that has prevailed in Cambodia.

• Korean Business Review
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.105-122
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• 2007

This paper identifies the dimensions of political risk on the basis of the classification between risk and uncertainties to implement the precise identification and assessment of the various types of political risk and develop the sound assessment model to accomplish their practical applications. This paper shows the concrete and detailed processes of deriving the assessment models and applying them with the microsoft excel spreadsheet, confirms the result of Butler and Joaquin(1998), and presents the methods of identifying the various combination effects of the political risk impact and the covariance relationship with the market portfolio return through the sensitivity analysis.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.210-236
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• 2021

China's Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure connectivity and other projects are presented in much of the discourse as a grand strategy to trap developing nations in debt, to exert asymmetric power and construct a new world economic order. The asymmetric relationship between China and Myanmar might therefore be expected to generate a range of political risks for stakeholders. Myanmar itself presents a "perfect storm" of problems, with dysfunctional governance, civil conflict, under-development and growing economic dependence on China. The Kyaukphyu port project and associated Special Economic Zone in Myanmar's troubled Rakhine state is investigated as a case study of risks on the Belt and Road. While worst case fears China might seize military control of the port appear unlikely, at least in current conditions, empirical observation indicates the complexity on the ground generates an array of other risks - as well as opportunities, should conditions allow. Further, despite challenges and constrained capacity, Myanmar governments have demonstrated agency, including by re-negotiating control and costs of the Kyaukphyu project. The case underlines that conditions are more complicated than simply China's asymmetric power. A sceptical approach is taken to normative discourses in order to build inductive understanding of how stakeholders and local experts perceive dynamics underway. A political risk approach is deployed to develop a framework to identify, analyse and assess risks for actors in relation to the Kyaukphyu project. The research findings are presented on an interim basis, given current constraints on field interviews due to the current crisis.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.5
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• pp.658-668
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• 2019

The political influences of general programming channels have grown with the help of the current affairs talk programs for years but also these channels have been criticized as politically biased media. This study investigates the characteristics of the panels who had appeared for 6 months since July of 2017 and examines the relationship between the panels' talk and the position of political parties. The results show that jobs of the casting panels were introduced as neutral ones which are not related to politics. However, after reclassifying them in terms of their political careers, most panels were more likely to be involved in political parties. In addition, they tend to support the positions of the ruling or opposition parties. The more the association with the political party, the stronger the panel's comments. The partisanship of the panels should be clearly presented in the broadcasting programs. It is necessary to distinguish genres of current affair programs by consistent standards to ensure consistency of deliberation. Lastly self-regulation of program producers should be more strengthened.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.1-39
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• 2013

Considering the relationship between state-owned enterprise (SOE) CEOs and political circles, this study examines the performance impacts of CEO's succession type, board chair separation, and industry expertise and finance expertise of CEOs and outside directors. I propose the definition of political independence in SOE CEOs based on the independence in appearance that might affect general people's perception. It means that there are no relationships or circumstances that might affect SOE CEO's judgment, activity, and report. The definition is able to overcome the limitations of the prior research that could not discover the CEOs who were affiliated to political circles because the research just distinguished the CEOs following their pre-jobs. This study focused on the performance impacts of political independence impaired CEO as well as the CEO's impacts on the relationship between the performance and other corporate governance variables. I selected as dependent variables the average return on asset as operating income divided by total assets and the average customer satisfaction rate evaluated by Korean government during the first three years following the year of the events of explanatory variables. My theory and evidence from the various CEO's personal background and financial information from SOEs in Lee Myung-bak Administration and Rho Moo-hyun Administration suggest the following important things. First, the analysis based on whether or not a SOE CEO keeps political independence shows that a political independence impaired CEO made a significantly negative impact on customer satisfaction rate. Second, the separation between a board chair and a CEO in SOEs introduced by Korean Act on Management of Public Institutions made a significantly positive impact on customer satisfaction rate. However, the positive impact of the board chair separation was removed in a political independence impaired CEO's SOE. Third, outside director's industry expertise made a significantly positive impact on return on asset. However, the positive impact of the outside director's industry expertise was removed in a political independence impaired CEO's SOE. Fourth, the comparison between Lee Myung-bak Administration and Roh Moo-hyun Administration on the corporate governance and performance of SOEs shows that the ratio of political independence impaired CEO was significantly higher in Lee Administration and the ratio of outside director's industry expertise and finance expertise were respectively significantly higher in Roh Administration. Based on these results, I suggested a few policy alternatives for CEO's improved political independence and requirements for executive's expertise in SOEs.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.33-42
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• 2023

This study was conducted to investigate the relationship between political interest, economic interest, sociocultural interest and intention of maintaining the nursing job against 291 nursing students from a university in C city from August to September 2022. The collected data were analyzed by t-test, ANOVA, and Pearson's correlations. The study showed political interest 3.35(maximum 5 points), economic interest 3.76(maximum 5 points), sociocultural interest 4.15(maximum 5 points), and intention of maintaining the nursing job were 3.40(maximum 5 points). In the correlation between variables, the correlation coefficient between political interest and sociocultural skill(r=.385, p<.01) was high, and economic interest and overall sociocultural interest were the most correlated(r=.534, p<.01). For the correlation with intention of maintaining the nursing job, sociocultural behavioral intention(r=.158, p<.01) and attitude(r=.131, p<.01) were statistically significant. Based on the results, repeated studies including political, economic, and sociocultural interest as variables influencing intention of maintaining the nursing job and future research on systematic and diverse educational programs including sociocultural attitudes and behavioral intention are suggested so the nursing job can be maintained for longer time as a profession.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.40 no.6 s.111
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• pp.613-630
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• 2005

In this article, the author inquired the multi-layered sphere of a commoner's settlement of Jangha-ri in modem times to approach the territoriality and socio-spatial characteristics of it. This settlement has originated in a lineage settlement of Jinju-Gang, and has experienced socio-spatial cohesion since its making(the 17th Century). Especially, it is found that the territoriality of Jangha-ri has fluctuated in times and has obtained multi-layeredness according to the human-nature relationship, to the social relationship, and to the political relationship of villagers. As a result, it is interpreted that the socio-spatial characteristics and territoriality of Jangha-ri in modem times do not only have a physical reality, but also social, political, cultural one.