• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• 제117권
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• pp.161-189
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• 2011

This thesis aims to examine the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism, which was actively debated post-1990's in the West. The paper will focus on the concepts of morality and ethics of Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" in order to connect the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism to our society's political reality. Specifically, through the introduction of Hegel's point of view, this paper will shed new light co the concept of communitarianism, which was viewed from the perspective of political philosophy within the West post-1990's. Through "Philosophy of Law," Hegel imbues a critical and fundamental meaning to modern ethical-political order. For Hegel, Kant's acceptance of morality has a foundational and compositional meaning for the concepts of law and nation. This paper will discuss this topic within the boundaries of Hegel's morality and ethics and regard this as a chance to look back on our political situation with a regretful introspection. International and national reviewers tend to regard the various perspectives of Hegel's philosophy of law as inspirational. However, it seems that the fundamental introspection of why our reality must adhere to his philosophy is lacking. Based on this concern, the paper aims to examine Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" to apply his perspectives to our political reality for a fundamental self-evaluation.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• 제32호
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• pp.43-78
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• 2011

The two schools which eventually came to form the "Northerners party" in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam'myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam'myeong's philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang'hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam's philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam'myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party's stance and attitude, and also of the school's philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the 'Majority Northerners(大北) party,' and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the 'Minority Northerners(小北) party.'Since the time of King Injo's ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe'gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners' philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the "Shilhak" scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners' political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• 제21권4호
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• pp.207-224
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• 2008

This study attempts to illuminate Ijema's philosophy of Four-Constitution as a new political theory of human beings as it has been regarded as the philosophy of Body-Politics and Life World[Body-Community], the notion of which was formulated quite uniquely according to the doctrine of Post-Juhi(朱子) in Joseon(朝鮮) dynasty. The philosophy of Four-Constitution was the result of succession of and reflection upon a long tradition; since the crisis aroused of Confucianism as a pragmatic science and a pure theory of science, after having collided with the science of the west, Ijema as a Confucian scholar and a oriental medicine struck upon and opened a new way to a discursive solution, the philosophy of Four-Constitution as Body Politics and Life World of New Paradigm by reconsidering the fundamental spirit and ideology of the doctrine of confucian tradition.

• American Studies
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• 제43권2호
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• pp.57-81
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• 2020

The purpose of this essay is to reexamine the overlooked politico-philosophical paradoxes of early American democracy. From its beginning, the American Republic was predicated on the conceived notion of political autonomy and independence from the British Empire. Those who fought for the cause, as expressed in the Declaration of Independence, invented and internalized so-called self-evident propositions which served as the key ideological foundation of the American Republic. Moreover, the unique historical ontology of American democracy was coupled with the politico-philosophical necessity of collective fantastical belief in the equation of selfhood with nationhood. By delving into how particular philosophical ideas and political concepts helped shape the visionary imagination of framers and their contemporaries, I investigate the way in which philosophy and politics are constitutive of the ideological fabric of the substantial-both conceptual and practical-paradoxes of the early American democracy.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• 제123권
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• pp.111-134
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• 2012

The article aims to elaborate on the fundamental insights of Hegel's political philosophy from a 'public freedom theory and public philosophy' perspective. The article is based on the understanding that Hegel's theory of freedom desires public freedom, and explains the contemporary meanings of the theory of freedom. The article critiques two subjects based on the interpretation of Hegel's public philosophy-the first is atomistic individualism and the other is the absolute alterity theory supported by Levinas and Derrida. In other words, through this article the author emphasizes that Hegel's public freedom theory clearly illustrates the limitations of atomistic individualism, and goes on to provide a subject theory that includes a dual/multiple theory on 'the other' that is distinct from the Levinas-Derrida approach.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• 제36호
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• pp.203-233
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• 2013

In this thesis, I consider the definition and category Huang-Lao philosophy that doesn't argue to the present in the academic world. I consider the origin and formation of Huang-Lao philosophy, in the view of combining the history of a nature and a human. I consider the origin of Huang-Lao philosophy in the Guoyu and Zuozhuan, Huang-Lao philosophy accepts open academic tradition of Jixia philosophy that has an ideological acception freely, and I consider the process of an advance and systematic theory of Huang-Lao philosophy on the basis of the four treatises of Guanzi and Hanfeizi. Also, in this thesis, I focus on the current of Huang-Lao philosophy, on the both sides. One is acception of Zhujia of Daojia the other is acception of Daojia of Zhujia(Fajia). and I analysis the various contents and forms between a peculiar world view and a political methodology of Wubuwei(無不爲) in Huang-Lao philosophy.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• 제39호
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• pp.169-194
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• 2013

The Wenzi is the material criticized about the relation bamboo-slip literature and current literatures in the academic world. If is true or not, because we don't know the author and the records accurately. In this study, to sublate the researching method of HuangLao philosophy that vogues the boundary between Zajia, on the basis of volumes with bamboo-slip literature and the present literatures shared, I discuss the peculiarity of Wenzi HuangLao philosophy, comparing Dao-theory of Daoist. The Wenzi is HuangLao philosophy of Rujia pattern that doesn't understand as the Dao-Fa school. And its origin is Laozi philosophy. It accepts Zujia philosophy, putting first in importance about Rujia philosophy. In this study, the origin of the Wenzi is Laozi philosophy theoretically, but I discuss that the Wenzi is the early literature forming Rujia pattern HuangLao philosophy. And the Wenzi tries to combine the theory of Rujia in the social political category.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• 제84호
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• pp.5-32
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• 2009

It is becoming harder and harder to philosophically defend liberalism in general under the circumstances in which neoliberalism is presumed to be blamed for today's global economic crisis. I nonetheless believe that liberal democracy can be revitalized with the help not from outside but from inside, although this might make my paper 'untimely'. Philosophical reflection on market is indispensible to the project of radical liberalism. Philosophy of market first delves into the nature of market in Principle. Next, it stipulates upon the complex interrelationships between the market order and the democratic order. This inquiry will cast light on that both the standard pro-market theory and the anti-market theory in relation to democracy are one-sided. The project of radical liberalism can be further articulated with the introduction of the concept of 'the political'. In conclusion, radical liberalism is expounded as a plausible version of Contemporary Korean social philosophy with a universal connotation.

• Asia pacific journal of information systems
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• 제31권3호
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• pp.378-391
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• 2021

The low use of e-vehicles in Yogyakarta City and Pekanbaru City is an essential issue for local governments to maximize e-government policies in both regions. The purpose of this research is to analyze people's attitudes and factors influencing the community of e-Samsat (e-Vehicle tax) users in developing the UMEGA theory, namely technology and government trust. This is a quantitative research based on the philosophy of positivism, which is used to examine populations and individual samples. Data were collected using research instruments and quantitatively analyzed. Furthermore, the hypothesis of the obtained data was tested using SEM-PLS. The results showed that social influence does not affect attitudes of e-Samsat (e-Vehicle tax) users. Furthermore, the study showed that the development of umega theory by adding variables of trust in technology and government affects people's behavior in using e-Samsat services.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제21권7호
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• pp.249-256
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• 2021

An issue of security and threat is urgent as well as it concerns everyone: a person, community, state, etc. Today, the question of cybersecurity has become especially relevant due to general digitalization and the spread of the cyberculture. In terms of it, the growing popularity of videogames can be observed. Their impact on society differs significantly, therefore, it needs thorough consideration. The purpose of the article is to disclose the role of videogames in cybersecurity. To achieve the stated purpose, such methods as analysis, synthesis, systematization and practical involvement of videogames have been used. As a result, three levels of possible threat of videogames has been distinguished: videogames as a possibly dangerous software, as a tool of propaganda and spread of stereotypes, as a space for the creation of virtual communities. In conclusion, it is stated that videogames can be not only a threat, but also a tool for strengthening the cybersecurity.