• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.45-68
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• 2005

The political activity of women is relatively low. This is mainly because of the social-cultural attitude that confines women's role to housewives, rather than the structural problems that are related to political activities itself. This study has attempted to enhance the political activities of women by examining and providing the practical informations related to the hardships that are experienced by women who are pursuing a career both as a politician as well as a housewife. The sample of this study consisted of women who are assuming chief executives positions in organizations that are related to political activity, including local representatives of the national assembly. A case study was conducted by interviewing 8 female politicians. The contents of the study mostly consists of the personal situations (related to house lives) of these women. Semi-structured questionnaires were used, and the interview was conducted several times. First, the political careers of these women tended to start passively, rather than voluntarily. Second, the negative attitudes that were initially displayed by the family members and close relatives had changed positively through out the course of time. Close relatives, parents/parents-in-law were likely to become helpers of child care and household labor. The husband was likely to be a supporter of the wife's political career, and the children started to understand the roles of their mother as they grew up. Third, the female politicians perceived that the main impediments of women pursuing political careers were the sexually discriminating culture, rather than their own ability. Fourth, the fact that these women had to spend a lot of time outside the house has worsened the role conflict and difficulties of these women who are required to assume dual-roles. Furthermore, the difficulties that are faced publicly and privately has increased the psychological burdens of these women, since politicians, in general, are people who need to maintain their public image.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.161-168
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• 2023

Recently, China-Taiwan relations are facing a crisis, and at the same time, the U.S.-China relationship and the structure of Northeast Asia are greatly shaken, so we should pay attention to changes in cross-strait relations. This study aims to predict how cross-strait relations will change after the party convention by analyzing Xi Jinping's Taiwan policy, focusing on the "Political Report" of the 20th party convention and the content analysis of leadership personnel. The results of the study are as follows. First, as the amendment to the party constitution announced after the closing of the party convention stipulates the possibility of armed invasion, Xi Jinping will implement a tough Taiwan policy emphasizing unification. Second, strategic competition with the United States will continue to intensify in the future when analyzing the contents of Chapters 2, 11, 13, and 14 of the "Political Reporting" and the personnel management of diplomatic and security leadership. As a result, cross-strait relations are expected to show instability for a considerable period of time. Third, at a time when Taiwan rejects the unification plan of "one country, two systems" and the tendency to de-Chineseize is strengthening, there is a possibility that legislation or specific enforcement ordinances will be enacted to strengthen the existing "Anti-Secession Law." Fourth, it is expected that strong and warm two-sided strategies will be used together, such as taking a strong response to external forces interfering with the Taiwan issue and Taiwan independence forces, and using incentives for the Kuomintang(KMT) and Taiwanese who are friendly to unification.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.10
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• pp.883-893
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• 2018

The inflow of Labor Migrants has been grown up to 600,000 people until now with the adoption of Employment Permit System (EPS) in 2004 until now. However the institutional support lack to ensure their rights and improve their conditions. This is because of their consideration ad temporary labors in South Korean society and labor forces rather than the objects of integration. As a result, the legal status and rights of migrant workers are criticized for their utilization rather than human rights, and human rights protection is insufficient. To this context, this paper analyzed the 19th presidential election pledge of the four political parties (Democratic Party, the Liberty Korea Party, Bareun Party and Justice Party) the majority of the Korean National Assembly, and predicted how the policies of migrant workers would evolve. The study found that there were two political parties that did not mention policies for migrant workers, and the remaining two parties also maintained their current policies. This is probably the biggest reason to recognize migrant workers as temporary residents. However, they should also be aware of the fact, that migrant workers are the members of the Korean society and are the owners of human rights that should be guaranteed, and should consider the policy directions to live with them.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.36-72
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• 2016

Comprehensive Cable TV Channels(CCCs) has been established as a political product around 5 years ago, and it's influence and position on the broadcasting field are keep increasing. CCC's stabilization is based on flooding the market with journalism. The repeating news and current affairs programs are appearing constantly in the afternoon which is CCC's primetime. The current affairs talk shows are a product of CCC's representative program type and it leads unique CCC style journalism. The guests of the current affairs talk show leading the program with critiques(comments) and discussions about political issues. The purpose of this study is to explore how these guests of the current affairs talk shows conceptually positioned as political mediating elites and same time to explore the television political landscape through the representative current affairs talk shows from TV chosun, Channel A, MBN, JTBC which are present by these political elites. This study wants to find out about that television political effects from CCCs which exemplified into certain directions by these political mediating elites saying their political biases and expresses their feelings drastically that causes high ratings and brings people's attention. The guests who called political mediating elites in this study are mostly considered to be extreme rightist, conservatives, conservative-centrist and they have close relationship with certain political party or political group. The political mediating elites gain the popularities and have great influence on the public from performing the television politics through CCCs' current affairs talk shows and use that to make political exchange connections with political groups. Therefore this study wants to point out that CCCs' current affairs talk shows are situated in political rally, exchange connection, so current affairs talk shows are existing only for political battle field.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.5-34
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• 2009

Why the Korea National Assembly shows often limping in its operations despite the introduction of various democratic legislative rules? Regarding the question, this article pays attention to the institutionalization of legislative rules and political saliency of bills, and analyzes the Constitutional Court's law reports. According to the analysis, the National Assembly goes on smoothly when dealing with the bills with low political saliency, but shows anomaly in its operation when dealing with the bills with high political saliency. This indicates that the institutionalization of the legislative rules is relatively low. The low level of the institutionalization is derived fundamentally from a distinguishing characteristic of the power structure in which political power is too much concentrated on the president. Within the power structure, the ruling party has to play the role of protecting and advocating the president, whereas the opposition parties become actors criticizing and checking the president. Consequently, the parliamentary decision-making processes have been dominated by the political strifes between the ruling and opposition parties, often producing limping operations of the National Assembly and delayed institutionalization of the legislative rules.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.39-61
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• 2020

The Chinese Communist Party's 'with-Chinese-characteristics' discourse proclaims its superiority in reflecting people's genuine needs without poisonous partisan politics, as in Western democracies. The Party's Consultative Democracy is key to this superiority. To evaluate Consultative Democracy in Contemporary China from a perspective of popular sovereignty, which is the essential purpose of every kinds of democracy, this research looks into Consultative Democracy from two dimensions: theoretical dimension and institutional dimension. Theoretically, CCP's Consultative Democracy seeks its theoretical sources from their traditional thought as well as from Marxism, and especially emphasizes CCP's leadership to fulfill the consultation results. And through the analysis of various field investigations, we find that there are some prominent problems in grass-roots society's institutional mechanism for Consultative Democracy, such as insufficient connection between institutional innovation and existing legal system, inefficient consultation, insufficient representation of consultative subjects and weak motive force for sustainable development. By legitimizing certain groups or individuals as representatives in their consultative process, CCP can be de-legitimize by containing, dividing or denouncing others so that critics can be co-opted, neutralized or isolated. The CCP's consultative and representational processes are different from taking policy inputs as dialogue or negotiation as in democracies, it is a dynamic, largely one-way process of enforcement and direction with a clear political agenda: maintaining Party hegemony.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Industrial and Applied Mathematics
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.181-188
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• 2009

Hundreds of thousands of South Korean protesters staged candlelight vigils and demonstrations against US beef imports in 2008. The problems, however, went far beyond that of beef imports. The political party veterans, who lost the presidential election, exploited labor unions that were discontent with the economy and ideological student groups to weaken the majority party. In this study, an epidemiological model is constructed with a system of three nonlinear differential equations. The model seeks to examine the dynamics of the system through stability analysis. Two threshold conditions that spread the protests are identified and a sensitivity analysis on the conditions is performed to isolate the parameters to which the system is most responsive. The results are also explored by deterministic simulations. This model can be easily modified to apply to other protests that may occur in various circumstances.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.44
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• pp.232-261
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• 2001

Because of their international importance, 'the Welfare Reforms' of the Thatcher government as well as Thatcherism were studied so much, and analysed so deeply. However, the existing studies mainly focused the institutional changes of the welfare state themselves and cynically criticized the decline of it. And, there is no study explained the Thatcher's reform as the changed balance of the British class strength. This means that the nature of the Thatcher's welfare reform is not scientifically clarified yet. So, I tried to examine this one again. For the purpose, I reviewed the nature of Thatcherism, described the changed welfare state, and analysed the result of the polling, the power dynamics of the Labour Party, the changed attitude of the Labour Party and the working class to the welfare state and Keynesianism, and the political attack of the Thatcher government on the working class and their response to it.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.327-349
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• 2008

This essay ascertains the relationship between counter-honeymoon elections and presidential party's electoral advantages. In order to achieve this goal, this study briefly reviews the literature relevant to this subject. And this study empirically tests the impacts of the couter-honeymoon elections on the electoral results by analyzing the official election outcomes in Russia and Colombia. This essay concludes the implications of the study.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.5-26
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• 2010

This study explores how major Korean television evening news report, interpret and evaluate the Korean Grand Canal Project(KGCP). For this research, 488 news clips regarding the KGCP are selected among the MBC, KBS and SBS daily evening news. As a result, the findings are as follows: First, the ratios of analyzing reports for MBC, brief reports for KBS, and straight news for SBS are outstanding. At the same time, the three news companies show that they are against the KGCP through the reporting attitudes. However, the most frequently broadcasted news frames is the authoritative political execution for both MBC and KBS, and the political agenda for SBS news respectively. In terms of the most frequently interviewed group for all three news is the government and ruling Grand National Party; they are the most favor of the authoritative political executions and the political agenda news frames. However, the NGO groups and the opposition parties which are against the KGCP support "Process" in terms of the frames activity. Finally, MBC speaks out the frame activity of "Process", supporting the political opposition parties and NGO groups. On the country, both KBS and SBS speak up the government and ruling party, supporting the KGCP, stressing frame activity of "Aspiration". This it concludes that both KBS and SBS are short of the social responsibilities as a social media mediator for the social disputes between the government and the NGO groups, including opposition parties.