• Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.289-301
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• 2013

We analyze respondents' reaction to Obama's advertisement, titled 'Fix the Economy'. These respondents are divided into three groups of democratic party, republican party and independent group. By manipulating the skin complexion of the Obama photo, participants were either exposed to the dark or light version of the Obama photograph. In order to obtain decorrelated stationary data, we have applied the discrete Fourier transform to each curve and then we have applied Fan (1998)'s adaptive Neyman test to the discrete Fourier transformed data. As a result, a significant difference is found out only in the independent group.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제2권4호
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• pp.248-278
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• 2015

Despite the proliferation of studies on emotion, little attention has been paid to the effects of discrete emotion on political participation. Using a representative survey conducted on a sample of South Korean citizens in the aftermath of the Sewol ferry accident, the current survey explored how anger and sadness, as well as the ways people express those emotions, influence the orientation of their response in social environments and, ultimately, their voting intention. The results partially supported the discrete effects of sadness and anger in eliciting reactions of approach or avoidance. Anger was found to provoke an approach action tendency in independent voters and supporters of the opposition, while also eliciting an avoidance action tendency with a varying effect size across all three groups of respondents. Sadness also prompted an approach action tendency in independents and supporters of the incumbent party, while it manifested a negative association with the avoidance action tendency in supporters of the opponent party. An interpretation of the findings and proposed directions for future research are presented.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.193-219
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• 2017

The year 2016 in Cambodia witnessed the regression of Cambodian democracy. Political oppression and manipulation executed by the ruling Cambodian People's Party destroyed democracy and civil society. The patronage politics operating on the age-old patron-client relations was invigorated as the financial demands for populist policies amounted. The economy continued its growth in 2016. Yet serious problems embedded in its very structure began to surface as the situation in and outside became less promising. Concerning international relations, the year 2016 marked conspicuous pro-China policies, which may cause unexpected friction with neighboring countries in the future.

• Strategy21
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• 통권34호
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• pp.93-127
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• 2014

During the four years following the sinking of the Cheonan frigate in 2010, the South Korean public opinion has seen changes in four basic ways. First, public polls with respect to the cause of the sinking show that 70% of the people consider North Korea as the culprit, while 20% maintain that it was not an act carried out by North Korea. Second, the opinions relative to the cause of the incident seem to vary according to age difference, generational difference, and educational difference. From 2011, people in their 20s showed 10% increase in regarding North Korea as the responsible party. People in their 30s and 40s still have a tendency not to believe the result of the investigation carried out by the combined military and civilian group. Third, the most prominent issue that arose aftermath of the Cheonan incident is the fact that political inclination and policy preference are influencing the scientific determination of the cause. In other words, scientific and logical approach is lacking in the process of determining the factual basis for the cause. This process is compromised by the inability of the parties concerned in sorting out what is objective and what is personal opinion. This confused state of affairs makes it difficult to carry on a healthy, productive debate. Fourth, rumors, propaganda, and disinformation generated by pro-North Korea Labor Party groups in the internet and SNS are causing considerable impact in forming the public opinion. Proposed Strategy 1. The administration can ascertain public trust by accurately determining the nature of the provocation based on accurate information in the early stages of the incident. 2. Education in scientific, logical, rational methodologyis needed at home, school, and workplace in order toenhance the people's ability to seek factual truths. 3. In secondary education, the values of freedom, human rights, democracy, and market economy must be reinforced. 4. It is necessary for the educational system to teach the facts of North Korea just as they are. 5. Fundamental strength of free democratic system must be reinforced. The conservative, mainstream powers must recognize the importance of self-sacrifice and societal duties. The progressive political parties must sever themselves from those groups that take instructions from North Korea's Labor Party. The progressives must pursue values that are based on fundamental human rights for all. 6. Korean unification led by South Korea is the genuine means to achieve peace in a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. The administration must recognize that this unification initiative is the beginning of the common peace and prosperity in the Far East Asia, and must actively pursue international cooperation in this regard.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• 제19권4호
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• pp.529-552
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• 2013

This study examines how individual attitudes towards government and society are affected by political conservatism and liberalism. With survey data from 533 adults(M=249, F=284) who live in Seoul and surrounding areas, we examine the general attitudes towards society, expectation on general government and differences in attitudes towards the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't and the Lee Myung-bak Gov't between liberals and conservatives. Results show that liberals and conservatives vary by age and residence, whereas attitudes towards the general government and society are not. By contrast, liberals and conservatives are distinctly different evaluating governments with specific political tendency. Liberals are more positive to the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't than conservatives whereas the evaluation appears conversely on the Lee Myung-bak Gov't. These differences of attitudes are more distinctive when dividing liberals and conservatives by subjective judgement and political party preference than conceptual measurement of political ideology. These findings suggest that political conservatism and liberalism is the factor that has powerfully affected individual attitudes in the specific political context rather than a consistent ideological framework in Korean society.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• 제56권1호
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• pp.45-70
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• 2004

This study purports to explain the difference between the welfare reform of Britain and that of either European countries or USA. For this purpose, Chapter two documents and reviews the inter-party debates around the Clause Four in the Labour Constitution, and duly ascertains the role of the reciprocity principle in the development of New Labour Project. Then, Chapter three argues that this reciprocity principle guides and controls the whole process of workfare reform of the Labour Government since 1997. Finally, Chapter four concludes that the salient features of the British workfare reform originated from recent changes of the British political climates, that is, the ideological change of the Labour Party.

• Survey Research
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• 제12권1호
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• pp.153-174
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• 2011

This research aims to discuss the causes of inaccuracy in public opinion polls currently conducted in Korea. In particular, identifying the problems in sampling frame and sampling methods in political and social public opinion polls is an important question. Currently, most polling organizations operating in Korea are using phone number directories provided by Korea Telecom(KT) as its sampling frame for conducting most political polls. A critical problem of using a phone number directory as a sampling frame is that unlisted phone numbers can never be included in the sample. If a systematic difference in socio-demographic or politico-economic characteristics exists between the listed number using group and the unlisted group, using a phone number directory as a sampling frame cannot produce a sample that can represent the whole adult population in Korea. According to the poll result commissioned by the Asan Institute for Policy Studies in January 2011, there are statistically significant differences in socio-demographic and politico-economic characteristics between those two groups, and those differences led to the differences in the presidential job approval rating and party support. Our findings include that the listed number using group is more pro-Grand National Party and show stronger support for the president than the unlisted group.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.1-32
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• 2004

Korean scientific community has recently argued that, in order to attract talented young people to the science and engineering fields, more ranking positions in the governmental office should be filled in by science and engineering majors. In this context, a special attention has been paid to the Chinese case where science and engineering majors have taken the highest places in Chinese political hierarchy. This paper examines historical and social background of the salience of science and engineering fields in modem China. A closer examination shows that the salience of science and engineering fields was resulted by the distinct historical experiences of China-the socialist reform of higher education system and Cultural Revolution. The former shaped the social conviction that humanities and social sciences are less useful than science and engineering fields. The latter even spread the idea that majoring in humanities or social sciences run the risk of political oppressions. Thus, the salience of science and engineering in China is a social phenomenon reflecting an academic hierarchy forced by the radical politics of modem China. Also, the higher proportion of science and engineering majors in the raking governmental officers has been resulted by a unique Chinese political system, in particular the personnel management system of the Chinese Communist Party that emphasizes practical experiences after college graduation. The comparison of the social position of science and engineering majors in China and Korea without taking account of such historical and social background may therefore mislead our understanding of the cause of and counterplan to the decreasing popularity of science and engineering fields in Korean universities.

• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.65-85
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• 2020

Examining how the CCP operated social services in Shanghai neighborhood[linong] in early 1950s, this article reveals the hidden relation between social service and rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954. One of the main purpose of 1954 rectification was to guarantee provision of grassroots level of the city by recruiting local cadres, the implementers of social services. Though series of social service, such as night patrol, cleaning and public charity were indispensable for residents' life and welfare(fuli)[福利] of neighborhood, the social services was the something most of the Shanghai residents were reluctant to do. The result was the shortage of human resource for social service, triggering the "nominal position(gua ming)[掛名] " phenomenon. During political rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954 Shanghai Municipal government tried to solve this 'decline of human resource in social services' problem by attracting the unemployed to the position of basic level cadre. To be specific, it demanded jobless person in neighborhood to be registered in time if they want a job placement. And it used that registration as the nominee of cadre in re-election process of the rectification campaign. The government measures were closely related to Shanghai people's inclination to rely on party-state when they try to get a job. Hence political rectification in neighborhood organizations become the strategic tool of city governance to mobilize residents in operating social services. So this article suggests that the CCP's urban governance was a complex and nuanced process to induce urban residents' interest and voluntarism beyond the suppression-oriented totalitarian perspective.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.35-65
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• 2009

This paper describes the changes in legislative rules in the U.S. House of Representatives and discusses the roles of legislative rules in public policy making. I argue that much of reform experiences in the U.S. House provide good references by which the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea may follow for its reforms. For this, I summarize primary reforms of legislative rules in the U.S. House and discuss dynamics in power distribution between committees and party leadership. These reforms are then reviewed on the basis of political stability, protection of minority rights, and legislative deliberation.