• 보건행정학회지
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• 제31권3호
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• pp.312-327
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• 2021

Background: Infection prevention and control (IPC) to manage healthcare-associated infection (HCAI) has emerged as one of the most significant public health issues in Korea. The purpose of this study is to draw implications in IPC policies by analyzing the context, process, and major actors in policy development and comparatively analyzing IPC policy contents of Korea with three other countries. Additionally, IPC policies were analyzed in the context of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) to provide implications for future pandemics and HCAI events. Methods: This study incorporates a qualitative approach based on document and content analysis, applying codes and thematic categorization. IPC policy contents are comparatively analyzed by adopting the concept model, developed by the World Health Organization, which consists of core components of IPC structure at the national and facility level. Results: National IPC policies were developed within a complex social and political context, through the involvement of various stakeholders. IPC policies in Korea place a high emphasis on establishing IPC programs and built environments in healthcare facilities, whereas there were potentials for improvement in policies involving patients and promoting a safety culture. IPC policies, which currently focus on general hospitals and certain functions of hospitals, should further be expanded to target all healthcare facilities and functions, to ensure more efficient and sustainable IPC responses in the current and future disease outbreaks. Conclusion: IPC is a complex policy arena and lessons learned from the analysis of existing policies in the context of COVID-19 should provide valuable strategic implications for future policies.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제23권3호
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• pp.181-215
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• 2013

The purpose of this paper is to examine the process of Islamic change in Indonesia since the 1970s, which is commonly called 'Islamic resurgence' or 'Islamization.' A brief analysis of the reasons for Islamic resurgence is followed by discussions on its long-term effects on the life of Indonesian Muslims. Shift in the ways Islamic matters have been treated in public, gradual realization of what Islamic groups have demanded in non-religious areas, stipulation of local regulation based on shariah and spread of radicalism are to be investigated one by one. With these examinations, it will be argued that the most significant change throughout the last four decades has been the surge of Islam as a reference point to interpret everyday life of Muslims. The dichotomy of 'Islamic' and 'non-Islamic' is instated as a key in Islamic discourse and the Quran and Hadith, as a criterion to judge whether certain views and behavior are Islamic or not. These have strengthened the position of scripturalism in Indonesian Islam. Islamic resurgence has also resulted in the acceleration of the diversification of Indonesian Muslims. Muslims with radical, fundamental, reformist, traditional and liberal views coexist, competing for stronger social and religious influences. As radical and fundamental groups have been more active in dealing with socio-political affairs recently, whether their active involvement will result in wider influences over the ordinary Muslims is the key to understand the future dynamics of Indonesian Islam.

• 수완나부미
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• 제16권1호
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• pp.175-203
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• 2024

With the enactment of international free trade and economic agreements and cooperation, BIMP-EAGA is an opportunity to accelerate development and economic growth in eastern Indonesia. This subregional cooperation could be used to reduce the development gap or inequality between the western and eastern regions, which are geographically, demographically, and economically different. This cooperation also may accelerate development in the border area. This study analyzes Indonesia's policies related to connectivity in BIMP-EAGA subregional cooperation and its implementation. The study results show that the National Secretariat of Sub-Regional Economic Cooperation has encouraged cooperation clusters ranging from natural resources, transportation, infrastructure, ICT, and tourism to MSMEs. In terms of connectivity, Indonesia is also involved in the development program of three economic corridors, namely West Borneo, East Borneo, and Sulu-Sulawesi. Indonesia's involvement in the three corridors has boosted the connectivity of Indonesia's territory, especially border areas, with neighboring countries. Connectivity has covered not only physical but also institutional and people-to-people dimensions. However, there are still several challenges, ranging from the standardization of the Customs, Immigration, and Quarantine (CIQ) mechanisms, improvement of institutional quality, and consistent strong political will among the involved parties. In addition, considering the vulnerability of the BIMP subregion to transnational crimes and acts of radical terrorism, BIMP-EAGA needs to think about solutions to overcome these cross-border security problems so that the momentum of development in the subregion may be sustained.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제33집
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• pp.63-90
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• 2019

나와 타자 간의 적대적 대립관계로 표면화된 다원주의적 정치적 현실에서, 나와 타자 간의 상보성을 강조하는 대순사상의 대대성(對待性) 원리는 우리에게 다원주의적 정치적 현실을 극복할 수 있는 새로운 인식과 태도를 제공한다. 유아론적 사고가 '완성된 '나''에서 출발하여 '타자'를 대상화 내지 도구화한다면, 대대성 원리는 우리에게 '타자'에 대한 새로운 인식과 태도를 제공한다. 대대성 원리는 존재론적으로 '완성된 '나''에서 출발하는 것이 아니라 '나'와 타자와의 관계 속에서만 '나'의 자기성을 확보할 수 있고 확장할 수 있다는 논리에 기초해 있다. '나'라는 존재의 자기성은 이미 충만한 채로 주어진 것이 아니라 '타자'라는 존재를 통해서만 구성될 수 있고 완성될 수 있다. 그러나 대순사상의 대대성 원리에 대한 기존 논의는 동양적 맥락의 국지성을 벗어나지 못하고 있다. 서양철학과 대비되는 틀 속에서 서양철학의 한계를 극복하기 위한 대안물로서 대대성 원리가 제시되고 있다. 하지만 이러한 경향성은 한편으로 서양철학에 대한 협소한 이해를 바탕으로 한 접근이라 할 수 있다. 현대서양철학의 흐름은 서양 근대의 유아론적 사고방식에 대한 자기반성적 결과물이라 할 수 있다. 특히, 현대서양철학의 현상학적 조류는 '타자'에 대한 존재론적 의미에 집중하고 있다. 다른 한편으로 서양철학과 동양철학의 이원론적 대립관계의 틀 속에서 대대성 원리를 이해한다는 것은 결과적으로 상반응합(相反應合)이라는 대대성 원리 그 자체의 의미를 탈구시키는 것이 될 것이다. 필자는 대순사상의 대대성 원리에 대한 동양철학과 서양철학의 어울림을 모색하고자 한다. 특히, 필자는 현상학자 메를로-퐁티(M. Merleau-Ponty)의 '살(flesh)'개념에 주목한다. 그의 '살'은 '나'와 타자라는 이원화된 틀 속에서 '나와 타자와의 근원적인 연루(involvement)'를 추동시키는 모태이다. 그래서 '살'적 존재로서의 '나'는 '보면서(타자를 보는 주체) 보여지는(타자에 의해서 보여지는 객체) 이중적인 지위' 속에서 구성되어지는 애매하고 불충만한 존재이면서, 타자와의 부단한 상호교류를 통해서만 '나'의 자기성을 완성해 가는 그런 존재이다. 이처럼 그의 '살'개념은 서양 근대철학에서 배제되어 왔고 소외되어 왔던 '타자'에 대한 존재론적 의미를 복원함으로써, 우리에게 '타자'는 어떤 의미를 가지는가에 대한 근본적인 물음을 던진다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권37호
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.375-383
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• 2013

본 연구는 기혼 유자녀 맞벌이 남성의 부성역할 수행 경험을 탐색하는 것으로 목적으로 한다. 이를 위해 심층면담과 문서를 활용하여 자료를 수집하였으며, 맞벌이 아버지 10명이 연구에 참여하였다. 자료수집은 2012년 9월부터 12월 사이에 이루어졌으며, 수집된 자료는 분석적 귀납에 근거한 지속적 비교분석방법을 사용해 분석하였다. 자료의 분석결과 참여자들은 바람직한 아버지 상에 대한 인식과 실제적인 역할 수행의 불일치, 생계부양자와 돌봄 제공자 역할 수행으로 인한 긴장, 그리고 자녀에 대한 헌신과 직업적 성취욕구 간의 갈등을 경험하고 있었으며, 이러한 갈등은 점진적으로 가족 의사소통과정에서의 소외라는 결과를 가져왔다. 이를 토대로 아버지의 적극적인 가족생활 참여를 지원하기 위한 사회적 인식 제고방안과 함께 가족, 노동시장, 지역사회, 그리고 정부 차원의 다각적인 접근과 제도의 운영을 제안하였다.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제16호
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• pp.71-103
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• 2013

This paper explores the key figure of minjung misul ("the people's art"), Kim Bongjun, and the art collective Dureong in the relationship between 'dialogue' and the dissidents' structural critique of Korea's modernities. During the 1980s' prodemocracy movement, the minjung artists and other dissident intellectuals used the notion of dialogue as metaphor for and allegory of democracy to articulate not only Koreans' experience of modern history, which they saw as "alienating" and "inhumane," but also the discrepancies between Koreans' predicaments and their political aspirations and their working toward the fulfillment of those ideals. Envisioning alternative forms of modernities, Kim Bongjun and other Dureong members paid attention to the fundamental elements of art, which consist of art as a modern institution, as well as the everyday lives of people as the very site of Koreans' modernities. They endeavored to create "art of life," which presumes its being part of people's lives, based on the cultural and spiritual traditions of the agrarian community. They also participated in the national culture movement, the minjung church, and the alternative-life movement to radically envision everyday lives through the indigenous reinterpretation of democratic values. Despite the significant role played by the church mission and its community involvement, its effects on minjung misul have received little attention in the relevant studies. Thus, I consider in particular the minjung church's and the alternative-life movement's confluence of multiple cultural and social constituencies in relation to Kim and the Dureong collective's vision of a new art and community.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제12권7호
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• pp.378-393
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• 2012

본 연구는 십 수 년 간 언론매체를 통해 돔구장 건설 관련한 담론이 어떻게 형성되고 또 재생산되었는지를 파악하고자 하였다. 특히 신문을 중심으로 한 언론매체들이 돔구장과 관련하여 그동안 어떠한 사회적 담론을 구성했는지를 과정적 맥락적인 관점에서 바라봄으로써 돔구장과 관련된 정치적, 경제적, 그리고 사회문화적 맥락에 대한 논리적인 이해와 해석을 시도하고자 하였다. 이를 통해 본 연구는 크게 세 가지 측면의 사회적 담론이 형성되었음을 확인할 수 있었다. 첫 번째로, 돔구장 건립을 찬성하고 지지하는 '찬성'담론이 형성되었다. 여기에서 가장 핵심적인 담론은 야구발전과 중흥을 염원하는 '야구계의 숙원사업', 그리고 도시 이미지 제고와 지역경제 발전으로 대변되는 '돔구장 건설의 경제적 효과'였다. 두 번째로 돔구장 건설을 반대하고 비판하는 '반대' 담론이 형성되었다. 반대담론의 중심에는 '사업절차의 투명성 부족'과 '수익 타당성 부재'라는 인식이 강하게 자리 잡았다. 돔구장 건설에 대한 찬성과 반대의 대립구도 속에서 세 번째로 민 관이 '소통'과 '참여'를 통해 야구장 문제를 합리적으로 해결해야 한다는 거버넌스 담론이 등장하게 되었다.

• 보건행정학회지
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• 제22권4호
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• pp.467-496
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• 2012

Public participation in the decision making for scarce health resources is important because health policy requires trust based consensus, which can be achieved by public's understanding and involvement of related policies. In the past, opportunities for interaction between health policy decision makers and lay public were rare in Korea. As political impulses towards public participation in health policy have increased, a few of deliberation methods were attempted. However, there is little research, reporting such cases with a critical examination of relevant theories and previous studies. We first critically review the literature on public participation within theories of democracy, governance, and empowerment. Next, we report a case of a citizen council experiment, which was held to examine public's preferences among different benefit options regarding new drugs and medical technologies. Specifically, in an one-day long citizen council with a total of 28 lay public, twelve questions of whether a drug or a technology should be included in the benefit package of health insurance were asked. Pre- and post-surveys investigated participants' perception of public engagement in health policy. Although it was experimental, the citizen council ensured that lay public could be careful enough to rationally compare the costs and benefits of different options and collectively make decisions. Further, results from pre- and post-survey showed a strong willingness of members to be involved in health care decision making. In the conclusion, we emphasize that better theories and methods need to be developed for more cases of citizen participation in health care policy and management.

• 통상정보연구
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• 제13권3호
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• pp.543-564
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• 2011

기업경영에 있어 전략적 의사결정과 기업성과는 독립적이지 않고 상호 밀접한 관계가 있다. 본 연구는 한국 5대 무역기업집단 (Big Five Trading Conglomerates)의 전략적 의사결정과 기업성과간의 상관관계를 실증적으로 고찰 하였다. 비록 외환위기 이후 한국기업체들의 전반적 경영변화에 대한 많은 연구가 있었지만 전략적 의사결정을 주제로 한 주목할 만한 연구는 없었다. 연구결과 첫째, 한국 5대 무역기업집단의 의사결정 과정에는, 예전과 비교 해 봤을 때, 주목할 만한 변화가 없었다. 둘째, 의사결정과정에서 최고경영진의 과도한 개업은 기업성과를 방해 하지 않는 것으로 나타났다. 위를 바탕으로 볼 때 한국 무역기업집단 내에서 의사결정권한이 지금도 일부 최고경영진에 집중되어 있음을 시사하며, 이는 조직 전반에 걸쳐 내재된 오랜 유교적 전통과 문화 때문인 것으로 판단된다. 셋째, 그러나 의사결정과정에 있어 이사회의 권한이 점점 더 중요해짐을 알 수 있었다. 마지막으로, 의사결정권자들은 자신들의 정치적 위치나 권력을 개인적 목적을 위해 오용 및 남용하지 않는 것으로 나타났다.