• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.12 no.12
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• pp.170-178
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• 2012

This study examines perceived homophily by the degree of self disclosure among SNS users. In this research, there were three different groups in terms of the degree of self disclosure among SNS users such as strong, medium and weak self disclosure groups The major results are as follows: Firstly, the higher the degree of self disclosure, the more social network service use. In addition, the higher the degree of self disclosure, the smaller the degree of online activity including blog and mini web page. Secondly, the higher the degree of self disclosure, the higher the degree of socio-demographic homophily. It can be argued that the strong group had much more mean scores than that of medium and weak groups in terms of regions, gender, age and vocation except nationality. Also, the higher the degree of self disclosure, the higher the degree of shared homophily except of political opinion homophily.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.31-66
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• 2018

This study investigates the mobilizing function of political agreement and disagreement in communition mediated by social media. Analyses of a survey found that reception of news consistent with individual political predispositions through social networking sites (SNS) positively related to political participation, whereas reception of counterattitudinal news was unrelated. Similarly, SNS- based discussion with politically agreeing others predicted political participation, whereas discussion with disagreeing people did not contribute to participation. Moreover, attitude-consistent news reception and agreement in political discussion had interactive influences, as the effects of attitude-consistent news on participation become stronger with increases in discussion with agreement. The results suggest that the mobilizing effects of social media mainly work through political agreement rather than disagreement in communication.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.57-79
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• 2021

Drawing on the theories of mediated public diplomacy, intermedia agenda-building, and homophily, this study aims to compare the effectiveness of the public diplomacy efforts made by the Saudi and Qatari governments during the Gulf diplomatic crisis. The study examines the respective international agenda-building influence of the state-sponsored media from the two competing Gulf states on the regional and international media's coverage of the crisis. Results show that, compared to Saudisponsored Al Arabiya, Qatari-sponsored Al Jazeera was more effective in shaping the agendas of the regional and international media. Whereas Al Arabiya has a weak first-level agenda-building influence and a moderate-to-strong influence at the second and the third levels, Al Jazeera demonstrates a strong agenda-building influence on the foreign media outlets at all of the three levels. We also analyze the impact of political proximity and the language of the media content (English or Arabic) on the agenda-building relationships. Still, the results suggest that, compared to Al Arabiya, Al Jazeera was more successful in shaping the agendas of the regional and international news media-no matter where they are based in the allied or the opposing countries. Also, we observe a higher level of consistency between Arabic- and English-language content in Al Jazeera.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.435-444
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• 2022

There are three focuses in the paper. Firstly, the study identified what channels were most viewed by YouTube users to watch the 'Daejang-dong scandal,' which was the most powerful agenda to influence the candidate preference among voters during the 20th presidential election. Secondly, the study analyzed whether the political tone of the first videos was in line with that of the subsequent videos. Finally, we compared the sentiment of comments on the first and subsequent videos. The results showed that TBS 'News Factory' and 'TV Chosun News' represented liberal and conservative factions, respectively. Secondly, the political tone of channels that were viewed subsequently was neutral, but the conservative channel users left more negative comments and that was significant statistically. In addition, about 80% of the conservative and liberal channel users shared the same political tendency with the channel they watched first, and more than 90% of the comments left at the subsequent videos in line with that of at the first news. Based on these results, the study concluded that the voters tended to seek political news that was similar with their political ideology, and it was considered a sort of echo chamber phenomenon on the YouTube. The study suggests that the performance of high-quality journalism by traditional news outlet might contribute to decrease the negative influence of political contents on YouTube users.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.7-34
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• 2014

This study analyzes the characteristics, implications, and problems of Social Network of Press Organizations from the Kim Dae-jung administration to the Lee Myung-bak administration in Korea. For analyzing these issues, this study attempts to investigate the traits of social network structure based on the density analysis, distribution character analysis and correspondence analysis in each and among regimes. To answer these questions, this study utilizes human relationship data which related to personal network aspects (place of birth, affiliated college) and expertise aspects (types of major field), and which data has been gathered from the biographical web-site of Press Organizations in Korea. The results showed that the membership format of each Press Organizations depends on the connection with political environment directly and indirectly. Especially, the network traits of Broadcasting Press Organizations stands out a place of birth aspect. This findings indicate that the broadcasting policy reality that the path of decision making is connected with the political environment is more effective.