• International conference on construction engineering and project management
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• 2005.10a
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• pp.855-861
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• 2005

Every public agency governing infrastructure has to plan effectively for rehabilitation of existing facilities within the constraints of the capital program. Numerous technical, social, political, financial, and management constraints govern the decision to rehabilitate a facility. However, without a systematic procedure for selecting facilities for rehabilitation, within the prevailing constraints, it is possible that the funds available for rehabilitation might be suboptimized. Therefore, a decision support system that assists the user in selecting facilities for rehabilitation while considering the technical, social, financial, and political and management constraints will be useful in the decision-making process. This paper compares the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) with the Swing Weight method used to prioritize functional criteria for suburban station rehabilitation. This paper also contains a brief discussion about the relevance of the Multi Attribute utility theory in developing a decision model for the problem at hand. The results of this paper provides the user with a decision support system that would prioritize the stations in order of their weights obtained by a systematic evaluation of various criteria and sub-criteria involved in the decision making process

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.1-19
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• 2002

The Cultural Revolution(wenhuadageming) is one of the most important political movement in the modem China. The studies on the movement done in recent years concentrated on the political conspiracy or the struggle over political line, so they did not pay attention to the political geographical dimension of the movement. This paper proposes that the Cultural Revolution practised in the area of minority nationalities at least is well understood through the political geographical perspective. Through the discussion on the Cultural Revolution practised in the Inner Mongolia autonomous district and the Oroqen minority nationality autonomous banner, this paper suggest that the socialist Chinese leader group considers the frontier area(bianjiang) or the minority nationality regions(xiaoshuminzudiqu) important as 'region' or 'space' not as 'the area of minority nationalities (minzu)'. Especially, in the period of the movement, the leader group of the revolution manipulated the space by using the index of nationality or manipulated the nationality by using the index of space. Therefore this paper assert that the Cultural Revolution in the area of minority nationality autonomous region was a integration process of the people and national territory through the reorganization of the nationalities into classes and of autonomous region into region in general meaning.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.301-332
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• 2009

The 16 century Yulgok had lived have been evaluated as the golden age of Seonglihak(性理學) in Korea. However, on the contrary, excessively desperate was the real social and political situation which Yulgok had descirbed. Therefore, eventhhough the Seonglihak centered-reseach is meaningful, this research had the limitation in analyzing the politics in those times. In studying Yulgok's thought, the established researches had focused on philosophic theory centered-orientation. However escaping from that orientation, in this essay I try to restructure Yulgok's enlivened political experience that he had worldly seen, felt, heard and performed in 16th's real politics. While the established researches had absorbed in Kyeonghak(經學, the interpretaion of Confucian Cannon), I try to restore Kyeongse(經世, governing and managing the state) based on Yulgok's worldly political experience. The major concept on which I have focused is Pye(弊, the abnoxious custiom in political and official sphere). Yulgok's offical life had begun with the problematic of how to overcome Pye inherited by Kwongan(權奸, a politically villainous retainer). In the process, he had focused on the worldly performable issue, Minsaeng(民生, the livelihood of the people), not on the abstract and theoritical concept, Min(民, the people). He recognized the cause of desperate situation had resulted from Pyebeob(弊法, the obnoxious law, its system and its execution), and tried to reform Pyebeob in the various way. The next concern of Yulgok came to Pyejeong(弊政, the obnoxious politics, its system and its execution), which interrupted not to reform Pyebeob. According to Yulgok, Pyejeong resulted from the wrong fulfilment of official-scholar elite in government, and the distorted public opinion in governemt. This fact demonstrates two elements mentioned above had common root of the absence of communication of public opinion. Yulgok recognized the importance of Ui(議, the discussion) than of Ron(論, the dabate) and then reviving Ui, Yulgok had tried to arrange the foundation for the communication of public opinion in political sphere.

• Archives of design research
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.353-364
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• 2004

In this thesis, I will look into how contemporary Korean Design has changed and been alienated from tradition as well as distorted history (chapter 2, 3); point out what the problem is in finding out the cultural identity of the field of design(chapter 4); and finally, I will present a new starting point for independent discussion regarding the direction of Korean design (chapter 5). The purpose of this thesis is to present an opportunity to reconsider the numerous irrationalities caused by an industrial view of design as an outdated paradigm and a cultural identity distorted by the leading policies of the contemporary political authority. In addition, by proposing a new direction to the following discussion on Korean design, it is my desire to examine a realistic plan for cultural discourse which is essential for Korean design in an information-oriented age.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.2
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• pp.77-101
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• 2000

This paper seeks to activate the discussion on the 'University and College Archives', which are to be established under the provision of 'the Law on the management of the records of public institutions' which are going to be enforced from 2000. For this purpose, we need to know about the university archives: what is university archives, how that was developed, and what's the meaning of university archives in academic society. Because we can find out exactly the flaw of the discussion on university archives, having been discussed nowadays, get to know the problems, and can seek the desirable directions to establish university archives through the understanding of the basic characteristics of university archives. The understanding of the general public on the preservation of public records has rapidly improved so that there should be no objection to the premise that we need to preserve, manage, and utilize public records in order to let democracy take root in our society. In the same vein, to preserve the historical records of the university which had played a leading role in the democratization of our society will serve as a foundation to fix the identity of the university by recognizing the socio-political functions of the university and culture of it in this rapidly changing society. And the records to be preserved in the archives, especially university archives, which include various aspects of the university and students, will promote the democratization of the university itself which has been questioned in several universities recently.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.202-221
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• 2022

The media has depicted an abrupt socio-technological change in the Republic of Korea with the 4th Industrial Revolution. Because technologies cannot realize their potential without social acceptance, studying conflicts incurred by such a change is imperative. However, little literature has focused on conflicts caused by technologies. Therefore, the current study investigated media coverage regarding conflicts related to the 4th Industrial Revolution from 2016 to 2020 in the Republic of Korea, applying text-mining techniques. We found that the overall amount and coverage pattern conforms to the issue attention cycle. Also, the three major topics ("SMEs & Startups," "Mobility Conflict," and "Human & Technology") indicate quarrels between conflicting social entities. Moreover, the temporal change in media coverage implies the political use of the term rather than technological. However, we also found the media's deliberative discussion on the socio-technological impact. This study is significant because we expanded the discussion on media coverage of technologies to the realm of social conflicts. Furthermore, we explored the news articles of the recent five years with a text-mining approach that enhanced the objectivity of the research.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.189-218
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• 2015

This article examines not the term "the public" or "publics"-which has various meanings-but its particular meaning, which is a group of citizens who engage in political discussion and debate with fellow citizens in order to form shared understandings and common judgments with regard to contemporary affairs and public issues. The goal of this article is to show the importance of this concept in critical studies of media and society and to analyze how this concept has been accepted in South Korean critical communication studies. In this article, critical communication studies refer to communication studies that aim to explore social meanings of communication phenomena. This article argues that little attention has been paid to the concept of the public as agreement-oriented discursive political participants in South Korean critical communication studies.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.7
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• pp.1-24
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• 2009

This article deals with military thought in general. First I tried to distinguish 'thought' from 'theory', 'philosophy', and 'principle'. Thought means the act of thinking about or considering something, an idea or opinion, or a set of ideas about a particular subject, e.g. military affairs in the present discussion. Theory means a formal statement of the rules on which a subject of study is based or of ideas which are suggested to explain a fact or event or, more generally, an opinion or explanation. Philosophy means the use of reason in understanding such things as the nature of reality and existence, the use and limits of knowledge. Principle means a basic idea or rule that explains or controls how something happens or works. Chapter 3 summarized the characteristics of military thoughts into five points', (i) it is closely related with concrete experiences of a nation; (ii) it includes philosophical and logical arguments; (iii) it relies heavily on the political thought of a nation; (iv) it includes necessarily value-judgments; (v) it contains visions of a nation which are not only descriptions or explanations of military affairs, but also evaluations and advocacies. Chapter 4 considers the relation of international political thoughts to military thought. Throughout the history of the modem states system there have been three competing traditions of thought: the Hobbesian or realist tradition, which views international politics as a state of war; the Kantian or universalist tradition, which sees at work in international politics a potential community of mankind; and the Grotian or internationalist tradition, which views international politics as taking place within an international society. Chapter 5 considers the law of war, which is a body of law concerning acceptable justifications to engage in war (jus ad bellum) and the limits to acceptable wartime conduct (jus in bello). Among other issues, modem laws of war address declarations of war, acceptance of surrender and the treatment of prisoners of war, military necessity along with distinction and proportionality, and the prohibition of certain weapons that may cause unnecessary suffering.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.130-151
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• 2018

China's cultural diplomacy is mostly understood as an endeavour to build and project soft power, which draws on three sources of 'culture, political values and foreign policy' according to Nye. This paper focuses on the debates about the vehicle and agents of China's cultural diplomacy. It starts with a theoretical discussion of the competing views in the Chinese context, and develops an argument that the vehicle of China's cultural diplomacy tries to project soft power on two wheels of culture and political values, to serve the purpose of reshaping China's image away from being the 'cultural other' and 'ideological other' respectively. However, the state-led approach to driving this vehicle is generating some side effects with its sponsorship, censorship and presence in the driver's seat. Then the paper analyses the inherent tensions existing in practice both between the two sources of building soft power and between the two means of doing so, attraction and persuasion, with empirical evidence through a comparative case study of the Confucius Institutes in the US and South Korea. The finding shows that China's attempt at reshaping its image as an Eastern cultural contestant is often disrupted by its authoritarian political values, and the state-led persuasion is often reducing China's cultural attraction. Following this, the paper finishes with some recommendations regarding evolving the cultural diplomacy approach from a vertical one that is government-centred to a horizontal one that is network-based with multiple agents, and localising its practice by engaging the target audiences as stakeholders.

• Trans-
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• v.10
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• pp.31-50
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• 2021

Media audiences are defined in a complex relationship with a comprehensive media environment, and are structured and reconstructed according to changes in the media environment. Today, with the changes in the media environment represented by convergence and transmedia, discussions on audiences are actively developing, and debates between positive and negative views on the cultural and political characteristics continue. This paper aims to systematically examine the complexity and ambivalence of new audiences beyond the binomial confrontational debate, and to understand the conditions and mechanisms under which the progressive possibility can be actualized. First, it looks at the changes in today's media environment and contents, and examines the changing patterns of audiences in connection with them based on related research. In addition, it examines the debate on the cultural and political characteristics of new audiences, and explores ways to construct /reconstruct alternative audiences based on Jacques Ranciere's discussion. In conclusion, the characteristics and contents of the utopian and dystopian moments of the transmedia audience were examined, and the necessary works for realizing the former were identified.