• Journal of the Korean Society of Floral Art and Design
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• no.45
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• pp.31-46
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• 2021

With the advent of the post-COVID19 era, people must maintain social distancing to quarantine. However, this rule deprives people of freedom. Therefore, this study proposes a new normal plan for urban park design using drive-thru to recreate space for people to maintain and enjoy their previous lives while complying with quarantine rules. Olympic Park has a large floating population, and is one of the places where drive-thru is available. Therefore, the study designed this place to be the only cafe that could be operated if other cafes were shut down due to social distancing. The cafes in the park were designed into five spaces based on Olympic Park's flag motifs. The results were as follows. The cafe's name is CUPPY (Cup+Coffee), while each logo letter is expressed using the colors of the Olympic flag: blue, yellow, black, green, and red. The cafe spaces were divided into five continents (Europe, Asia, Africa, Oceania, and America), as symbolized by the Olympic flag, with the driving route shaped like the Olympic logo to match the five spaces. Human beings need change and adaptation in various fields to live in a post-COVID19 era that they have never experienced before. Just as the New Normal changes with time, and should, research is essential for presenting a New Normal in urban park design that reflects this disaster situation following the COVID-19 crisis. On this very point, we expect that this research will serve as a reference for urban park design. Additionally, it is believed that continuous suggestions and research will be necessary to apply the model to more diverse environments.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.1-14
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to understand the environmental traits and significance of the pond place that appears in historic maps in 'Dongchon(東村)', which is the eastern section within the fortress wall of Hanyang. We reviewed various documents and maps to identify the name of the pond, and of those materials we followed the name provided by official national records and geographical titles to designate it 'Eouidongji Pond(於義洞池).' The results of the research showed, first, that from the standpoint of location and environmental characteristics, that the area of the Eouidongji Pond was an area that contained a pastoral atmosphere within the city. It was located in an area where the waters flowing from the mountains gathered, and the boundaries of the pond would change based on water levels within a plot of land about 2,000pyeong(app. $6,600m^2$) in size. Second, when seen from the perspective of its creation background, the Eouidongji Pond seems to have been a naturally occurring pond which was modified when the water system was managed in the city at the beginning of the dynasty. In addition to its role as a reservoir, it was operated as a lotus pond(蓮池) to offer lotus(蓮) related by-products. With the nearby detached palace being actively used, it seems the pond was managed at the same time. The pond had already been filled in by the early 20th century, and although there were efforts to reconstruct the pond, it was eventually destroyed as the area was included in the site of a school during the colonial period. Third, the Eouidongji Pond was appreciated in many cases by individuals or admired as part of the natural landscape by viewing it from afar. In addition, it provided entry landscape near the road entering Dongchon, and was a location that was easily visited in connection with other nearby pleasure grounds. Through studying the location and environmental characteristics, the background of its creation and destruction, operation and management by time period, usage at the time, and characteristics of scenery appreciation of Eouidongji Pond, the Eouidongji Pond was a pond of high practical value to the nation, as it supplemented the water system in the city and was able to provide lotus harvests for the nation. In addition, from a urban environment perspective, it was a lateral landmark with a large area, as well as an effective boundary. It was an open area that the people of the Hanseong-bu could freely use, and it had a high public value due to its ease of accessibility.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.37-47
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• 2024

Currently, social interest in post-cremation funerals is growing due to the establishment of cremation culture. In addition, as awareness of nature-friendly funeral methods spreads in modern times, the demand for tree burial grounds and tree groves, which are representative natural burial methods, is increasing. However, if the current method of relying on trees is used, the forest burial may damage the forest and turn it into another cemetery. The tree decoration is a funeral method that contains the temporal meaning of humans returning to the space of nature that we have, and the philosophical meaning that humans return in compliance with nature. Like this, there are quite a few concerns. Even though tree burials are not the traditional burial facilities we are familiar with, many of the facilities and operating systems adopt the standards of park cemeteries and have stricter standards and restrictions than natural burials under the law. This rigidity is intended to preserve the forest, but the reality is that it limits the expansion and operation of tree plantations. To this end, this study seeks to find specific improvement measures for sustainable tree plantation operation. To this end, we look at the types of natural fields in foreign countries and find directions for tree planting that can be effectively applied and established in accordance with the sentiments of the people. Specific improvement measures include an enshrinement method that does not rely on memorial trees, the operation of anonymous or anonymous tree planting, a change in the method of visiting and commemorating, and various mountaineering methods, thereby suggesting alternatives to sustainable tree planting in Korea. The place where tree planting is implemented is the forest, that is, the forest itself. I should be a place where the spirit of natural return, which is the essence of the deceased, can be celebrated through the forest, not a funeral facility. By doing so, it will be possible to provide the public value of the forest, that is, the social function of the forest, in the name of an eco-friendly funeral service.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.81-97
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to examine what people in Korea recognize the cultural symbolism and the planting patterns of 'Guǐmok', pagoda tree(Sophora japonica). The species planted in the 'Guǐjeong' was empirically investigated and analyzed to determine which species of pagoda tree or Zelkova tree(Zelkova serrata) was taken through literature surveys, field surveys, and interviews with persons. This 'Guǐjeong' was combined to track how the culture of the 'Guǐmok' planting introduced in China was ultimately accepted and transformed in Korea. In this study, we tried to analyze the meaning implicit in the mystery while checking the distribution of the mystery and the form of the mystery, the name of the pavilion and its relevance to the contrast medium. Essentially, the trees that govern the characterization of the nectar plant, regardless of the region, are considered to be a pagoda tree, which is considered an internal factor in which the pagoda tree culture was not completely transformed into a zelkova tree. It was recognized throughout the Joseon Dynasty that the species representing 'Prime ministers(三公)' was judged from all the Joseon Dynasty periods, based on the builder of Guǐjeong's Aho(雅號) and Dangho(堂號). It was confirmed that the tree was very likely to be planted in place of the painting tree. But now is selectively zelkova tree is in accordance with the preparation of planting site conditions and areas on behalf of the Change is very high probability that is planted. Cultural variables that led to the cultural transformation of the 'Guǐmok' seem to have been deeply involved in the geographical space of China and Korea, Confucian practices of the Choson society, comings and goings and letter bridge, and network strength with China through the book spread. In addition, the culture of 'Guǐmok' is presumed to have led to cultural custom of the upper class, not the whole class, in the Yeongnam region, it can be said that the independent adaptation to act to recognize 'Guǐmok' as a pagoda tree, that is a Sophora japonica, has occurred very strongly. The difference between the cultural areas of Yeongnam and non-Yeongnam is also considered to be an internal factor that has played a major role in the cultural transformation of planting of 'Guǐmok'.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.385-414
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• 2018

In this article, the women as the subject of the family management in the 19th century cataclysm, In particular, I tried to reconstruct the specific life course of a woman who has a status as a jongbu(종부) in the Korean language through the Hangul letter. The Haenam Yoon's the 8th jongbu(종부) Gwangju Lee attempted to find her own unique identity, not the male-centered social order she had learned. Because she had to live a life outside the traditional environment of traditional society because her husband died at the beginning of her marriage. She perceived herself as an independent subject that she had to find and maintain. When Gwangju Lee married and came to the family of Haenam Yun, the economic power of jong-ga(종가) was much inclined. This economic difficulty was caused by the conflict with the slaves and the decrease of tallage(地代) to the change of the slavery system which was the social flow at that time. And uncles of her husband's intervention made the economic situation of the family more difficult. She established her position as a jongbu(종부) and used the right of Adoption option(입후권) of the jongbu(종부) to establish the impoverished family. She chose adoption from distant relatives who were not children of her husband's uncles. Therefore, I was free from her husband uncle's interests. She also believed that it was most important to take control of the economic interests of her family in order to secure her authority as a jongbu(종부). She believed that she had to exercise her economic rights in order to bring slave labor, which is the most important means of sustaining the domestic economy at the time, In the absence of her husband, she established her family in the social upheaval of the nineteenth century, and took her place as a master of a family, not just a family name.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.172-205
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• 2011

Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[$80(82)cm{\times}80(82)cm$] while the smallest one was Yangsan Sohandjeong Seokguk ($40cm{\times}40cm$). The dimension of length and breadth are both $49cm{\times}48cm$ on average, which is realistic size for actual Go play. Fifth, the biggest bed rock, an under-masonry with carved Go-board on it, was one in Muju Sasunam[$8.7m{\times}7.5m(65.25m^2)$], followed by ones in Hoengseong Chuiseok[$7.8m{\times}6.3m(49.14m^2$] and Goisan Sungukam[$6.7m{\times}5.7m(37.14m^2)$]. Meanwhile, the smallest rock-go-board was turned out to be one in Seoul Banghak-dong. There was no consistency in directions of the Go-boards, which gives a hint that geographical features and sceneries of locations were considered first and then these were carved toward an optimal direction corresponding to the conditions. Sixth, rock-go-boards were all located in valleys and peaks of mountains with breathtaking scenery. It seems closely related to ancestors' taste for arts. Particularly, rock-go-boards are apprehended as facilities related to taste for arts for having leisure in many mountains and big streams under the idea of union of sky and human as a primitive communal line. Go became a medium of hermits, which is a traditional image of Go-game, and symbol of amusement and entertainment with the idea that Go is an essence of scholar culture enabling to reach the Tao of turning back to nature. Seventh, the further ancient time going back to, the more dreamlike the Go-boards are. It is an evident for that Sundoism, which used to be unacceptable once, became more visible and realistic. Considering the high relation between rock-go-boards and Sundoism relevant names such as Sundoism peak in Danyang Sobaeksan, 4 hermits rock in Muju and Sundoism hermit rock in Jangsu, Sundoism hermit rocks and rock-go-boards are sceneries and observation spots to express a communication of worship and longing for Sundoism. Eighth, 3 elements-physical environment such as location type of the rock-go-boards, human activities concentrated on 8 sceneries and Dongcheongugok(洞天九曲) setup and relevancy to Confucian scholars, as well as 'Sangsansaho' motif and 'Nangagosa' symbolic meaning were used as interpretation tools in order to judge the place identity. Upon the result, spatial investigation is required with respect to Sunyoodongcheon(仙遊洞天) concept based on enjoyment to unify with the nature rather than Dongcheongugok concept of neo-Confucian, for Dongcheon and Dongmoon(洞門) motives carved around the rock-go-boards. Generally, places where mountain stream type rock-go-boards were formed were hermit spaces of Confucianism or Sundoism. They are considered to have compromised one other with the change of times. Particularly, in the rock-go-board at the mountain peak, sublimity-oriented advent of Sundoism is considered as a significant factor to control place identity. Ninth, including where the rock-go-boards were established, the vicinal areas are well-known as parts of Dongcheongugok and Palkyung(八景) mostly. In addition, many of Sundoism relevant expressions were discovered even in the neighboring carvings written by scholars and nobility, which means sophisticated taste based on longing for Sundoism world played a significant role in making go-board. The rock-go-board is an integration of cultural phenomena naturally managed by seclusion of scholars in the Joseon Dynasty as well as remains and essence of Korean traditional landscaping. Some rock-go-boards out of 17 discovered in South Korea, including ones in Sobaeksan Sinsunbong, Banghak-dong, Chungju Gongili, Muju Sasunam, Yangsan Eogokdong Banryongdae Seokguk, are damaged such as cracks in rocks or fainted lines by hardships of time and hand stains. Worse yet, in case of Eunyang Bangudae Jipcheongjeong board, it is very difficult to identify the shape due to being buried. Rock-go-boards are valuable sculptures in terms of cultural asset and artwork since they reflect ancestors' love for nature and longing for Sundoism world. Therefore, they should be maintained properly with right preservation method. Not only rock-boards itself but also peripheral places are excellent cultural heritages and crucial cultural assets. In addition, vicinal sceneries of where rock-goboards and pavilion spots are the representative remains of embracing prototype of Korean traditional landscaping and major parts of cultural properties.