• Journal of Korea Society of Industrial Information Systems
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.45-63
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• 2019

The number of domestic construction company is expanding every year while the construction workers' exposure to disaster risk is increasing due to technological advancements and popularity of high-rise buildings. In particular, the industry faces greater fatalities and severe large scale accidents because of construction industry characteristics including influx of foreign workers with different language and culture, large number of aged workers, outsourcing, high place work, heavy machine construction. The construction industry is labor-intensive, which is to be completed under given timeline and consists of unique working environment with a lot of night shifts. In addition, when a fixed construction budget is not secured, there is less investment in safety management resulting in poor risk management at the construction site. Taking account that the construction industry has higher accident risk rate and fatality rate, risky and unique working environment, and various labor pool from foreign to aged workers, preemptive safety management through risk factor identification is a mandatory requirement for the construction industry and site. The study analyzes about 8,500 cases of construction accidents that occurred over the past 10 years and identified risk factor by construction industry sector to secure a systematic insight for risk management. Based on interrelation analysis between accident types, work types, original cause materials and assailing materials, there is correlation between each analysis factor and work industry. Especially for work types, there is great correlation between work tasks and industry type. For reinforced concrete and earthwork are among the most frequent types of accidents, and they are not only high in frequency of accidents, but also have a high risk in categories of occurrence.

• Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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• v.34 no.6_2
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• pp.1299-1310
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• 2018

In this study, we analyzed distribution and movement trends using in-situ observations and particle tracking methods to understand the movement of the drift ice in the Arctic Ocean. The in-situ movement data of the drift ice in the Arctic Ocean used ITP (Ice-Tethered Profiler) provided by NOAA (National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration) from 2009 to 2018, which was analyzed with the location and speed for each year. Particle tracking simulates the movement of the drift ice using daily current and wind data provided by HYCOM (Hybrid Coordinate Ocean Model) and ECMWF (European Centre for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts, 2009-2017). In order to simulate the movement of the drift ice throughout the Arctic Ocean, ITP data, a field observation data, were used as input to calculate the relationship between the current and wind and follow up the Lagrangian particle tracking. Particle tracking simulations were conducted with two experiments taking into account the effects of current and the combined effects of current and wind, most of which were reproduced in the same way as in-situ observations, given the effects of currents and winds. The movement of the drift ice in the Arctic Ocean was reproduced using a wind-imposed equation, which analyzed the movement of the drift ice in a particular year. In 2010, the Arctic Ocean Index (AOI) was a negative year, with particles clearly moving along the Beaufort Gyre, resulting in relatively large movements in Beaufort Sea. On the other hand, in 2017 AOI was a positive year, with most particles not affected by Gyre, resulting in relatively low speed and distance. Around the pole, the speed of the drift ice is lower in 2017 than 2010. From seasonal characteristics in 2010 and 2017, the movement of the drift ice increase in winter 2010 (0.22 m/s) and decrease to spring 2010 (0.16 m/s). In the case of 2017, the movement is increased in summer (0.22 m/s) and decreased to spring time (0.13 m/s). As a result, the particle tracking method will be appropriate to understand long-term drift ice movement trends by linking them with satellite data in place of limited field observations.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.42-55
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• 2011

The basic approach of this study was to take the theory of cultural fluctuations to investigate the early modern and modern patterns of the use of ox carts and@ the social and economic appropriateness and cultural significance of ox carts. The study chose a village that was the only place that used ox carts in Bugye-myeon. The findings will help to understand how traditional cultural elements would continue or change according to the natural, geographical, economical, and cultural characteristics of a village. Located in Gaho-2-ri, Bugye-myeon, Gunwi-gun, Gyeongbuk Province, Dongrim Village started to use ox carts during the Japanese rule and replaced the traditional version with an improved one in 1972 when a reservoir was built. Until the 1970s, they used ox carts to carry agricultural products and luggage and to visit the markets in distant Bugye-myeon or Gunwi-eup. In the early 1980s when a cultivator was first introduced into the village, ox carts gradually disappeared in the village and eventually remained as a mere means of transportation. As the younger generations were active in introducing modern means of transportation, a cultivator became the main means of transportation in the village in the 1980s and a truck since the latter half of the 1990s. Despite those changes, however, the elderly in their seventies or older continued to use ox carts. With aged labor and inability to use modern means of transportation, they grew cows and oxen to cultivate the inclined fields and gain easy access to fields distributed in distant locations and continued to ox carts through reform. In Dongrim Village, the heritage of using reformed ox carts is the practice of appropriate technology by the old farmers and a cultural representation of an aged agricultural society. That is, the elderly recognized the appropriateness and practicality of traditional culture and renewed a traditional means of transportation called an ox cart. The phenomenon of the old men and women frequently using ox carts in an agricultural village in the mountain with geographical limitations has settled down as a cultural representation of the elderly in Dongrim Village. The continuing usage of ox carts in Dongrim Village is attributed to the fact that ox carts well suit the natural, geographical, and economic aspects of the village and the cultural inertia of the elderly with the aging of the farmers. Thus it is once again shown that human beings transmit and alter culture according to their overall situations and conditions.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.347-377
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• 2003

China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.129-156
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• 2005

Increasing discovery cases of underground storage facilities made of earth, wood, or stone are being reported from the recent excavation survey of the Baekje relics. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to examine the structure and function of the underground storage facilities of Baekje following a classification made by the type and building method as follows: plask shape, wooden box shape, and stone box shape. The plask shape storage is the most representative underground storage of Baekje that has been found in numerous relics more than 600 sets around Hangang(Han River) and Geumgang(Geum River) from the Hansung period to Sabi period in Baekje Dynasty. It is a historical artefact as a part of the unique storage culture of Baekje around Hangang and Geumgang from the 3rd to 7th Century. Considering its structure and the example of Chinese one, it might had been used for a long-term storage of grains and various other items including earth wares. The storage facility in wooden box shape and stone box shape are found mostly in the relics Of Sabi period. Thus it might had taken some functions of the storage in traditional pouch shape which had decreased after the 6th Century. In particular, the wooden box shape and stone box shape storage required enormous labor force to build owing to their structure and building method. Thus, they were considered to had been used for official purposes in province fortress and citadel artefact. The wooden box shape storage facility is classified into flat rectangular type and square type based on the structure, and into Gagu type(架構式) and Juheol type(柱穴式) based on the building method. It might had been decided according to the geography and geological feature of the place where the storage was to be built. Considering the examples of Gwanbuk-ri relics and Weolpyong-dong relics, the wooden box shape storage facility might had been used for various items depending on the needs, including foods such as fruits and essential provisions at the military base. Considering the long-term food storage, the examples in Japan, and the functional characteristics of the underground storage facility, there is a possibility that the wooden and stone box shape storage facilities had been built so as to safely store important items in case of fire. This study is only a rudimentary examination for the storage facility in Baekje. Thus further studies are to be made specifically and comprehensively on the comparison with other regions, distribution pattern, discovered relics and artefacts, and functions.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.5
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• pp.125-137
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• 2021

How can we explain the phenomenon of small, old alleyways in the city becoming rising commercial places attracting people from an aesthetic perspective? This research discusses distinctive aesthetic experiences of urban commercial alleyways, which are located on inner roads and consist of small-scale stores and explore the specific aspects of Sharosu-gil, located in Gwanak-gu, Seoul. The aesthetic experience of urban commercial alleyways is generated by the contrast with the refined urban fabric along main roads in terms of space, the gap between the old and the new, and the antagonism between the known and the less known. The approach to Sharosu-gil consists of the high-rise buildings along the main road built in the 2000s, then encountering low-rise buildings on inside roads built from the late 1970s to the present. Therefore, it is judged that the site has sufficient conditions to generate the aesthetic experience as an urban commercial alleyway. As a result of analyzing the street improvement projects, first, the official announcement of the name 'Sharosu-gil' was interpreted as an escape from the place specificity and garnered the acquisition of the characteristics of an alternative. Secondly, the improvement project for old-established signboards was interpreted as harmony between the new and the old and the loss of temporality. Thirdly, in the pedestrian priority road project, the pavement was interpreted as a reinforcement of the identity as an alleyway and the visualization of the area. Since the reality of urban commercial alleyways depends on the user's visiting, it is necessary to interpret alleyways from the perspective of the senses and aesthetics, not just from social phenomena or capital logic perspective. The study will cast implications for relevant schemes and data-driven research.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.216-233
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• 2020

This study set out to review tomb culture in the Gyeongju region during the Bronze Age, and also examine the patterns of dolmens during their end phase. For these purposes, the study analyzed 18 tomb relics from the Bronze Age and nine from the early Iron Age. Gyeongju belongs to the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Approximately 120 tombs from the Bronze Age have been excavated in the Gyeongju region. There are fewer tombs than dwellings in the region, which is a general characteristic of the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Although the number of tombs is small, the detailed structure of the dead body is varied. During the Bronze Age, tombs in the Gyeongju region were characterized by more prolific construction of pit tombs, dolmens with boundaries, and stacked stone altars than were the cases in other areas. There is a great possibility that the pit tombs in the Gyeongju region were influenced by their counterparts in the northeastern parts of North Korea, given the spindle whorl artifacts buried at the Dongsan-ri sites. Dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars are usually distributed in the Songguk-ri cultural zone, and it is peculiar that instances of these are found in large numbers in the Gyeongju region as part of the Geomdanri cultural zone. Even in the early Iron Age, the building of dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars continued in the Gyeongju region under the influence of the Bronze Age. A new group of people moved into the area, and they crafted ring-rimmed pottery and built wooden coffin tombs. In the early Iron Age, new rituals performed in high places also appeared, and were likely to provide venues for memorial services for heavenly gods in town-center areas. The Hwacheon-ri Mt. 251-1 relic and the Jukdong-ri relic are ruins that exhibit the aspect of rituals performed in high places well. In these rituals performed in high places, a stacked stone altar was built with the same form as the dolmens with boundaries, and a similar rock to the cover stone of a dolmen was used. People continued to build and use dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars while sustaining the Bronze Age traditions, even into the early Iron Age, because the authority of dolmens was maintained. Some dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars, known as being Bronze Age in origin, would have continued to be used in ritual practices until the early Iron Age. Entering the latter half of the second century B.C., wooden coffin tombs began to propagate. This was the time when the southern provinces, including the Gyeongju region, were included in the East Asian network, with the spread of ironware culture and the arrival of artifacts from central China. Around this time, dolmen culture faded into history with a new era beginning in its place.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.126-134
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• 2020

Objectives : The purpose of this study was to investigate the needs for return-to-work support of cancer survivors and related factors in patients with cancer and their caregivers. Methods : 182 patients and 114 caregivers were recruited. Distress Thermometer and Problem List and scale ranging 0~10 measuring the degree of needs for return-to-work support were utilized. The needs for return-to-work support between the patient group and caregiver group (patient's needs evaluated by the caregiver) were compared, and related factors were investigated using logistic regression analysis. Results : 34.6% and 28.1% of patients and caregivers reported return-to-work support of cancer survivors is "very necessary". The degree of needs was 6.60±3.365 points in the patient group and 6.17±3.454 points in the caregiver group, with no significant difference (p=0.282). The needs for return-to-work support evaluated by patients was high when they underwent surgery (OR=2.592, p=0.007), has fertility problems (OR=6.137, p=0.025), has appearance problems (OR=2.081, p=0.041), or has fatigue (OR=2.330, p=0.020). The needs for return-to-work support of patients evaluated by caregivers was high when patients treated with breast cancer (vs respiratory cancer, OR=13.038, p=0.022 ; vs leukemia/lymphoma, OR=4.517, p=0.025 ; vs other cancer, OR=13.102, p=0.019), has work/school problems (OR=4.578, p=0.005), or has depression (OR=3.213, p=0.022). Conclusions : The degree of needs for return-to-work support of cancer survivors was high, and factors related to the needs were different between the two groups. This suggests that return-to-work support of cancer survivors is required, and clinical characteristics, the distress of patients, and differences between patients and their caregivers should be considered in establishing a support plan.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.154-175
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• 2020

Most Korean Buddhist paintings from the late Joseon period were produced through collaborative projects (bulsa) between clans of Buddhist monks and monk artists (hwaseung), in which the monk clans would select themes and iconography for works that would then be produced by the artists and their school. Thus, any attempt to understand the Buddhist paintings of this period must consider not only the stylistic characteristics of the monk artists, but also the conditions at the respective temple at the time of production. Applying this methodology, this paper examines the collaboration between the Buhyu monk clan and the monk artist Uigyeom and his fellow artists (hereinafter, the "Uigyeom School") that took place in Honam (湖南) and surrounding areas in the eighteenth century. In particular, the paper reveals the strong influence that the Buhyu clan exerted on paintings that the Uigyeom School produced in 1724 and 1725 at Songgwangsa Temple, the clan's main temple. Following the paintings for Songgwangsa Temple, the Uigyeom School actively participated in similar projects at regional temples under the auspices of the Buhyu clan in Honam, Hoseo (湖西), and Yeongnam (嶺南). Consequently, the Buhyu clan granted Uigyeom several honorable titles-including "Hoseon" (毫仙), "Jonsuk" (尊宿), and "Daejeonggyeong" (大正經)-that were rarely conferred to a monk artist. Such acclaim helped Uigyeom's style of Buddhist painting to become widespread throughout the three southern provinces of Korea. The paintings for Songgwangsa Temple exemplify how the Buhyu clan and Uigyeom School collaborated to visualize the thoughts and philosophies of the Buhyu clan. For the Uigyeom School, this project served as the foundation for building the reputation and esteem of Uigyeom, who became one of the most esteemed and influential monk artists of the late Joseon period. As such, the paintings created for Songgwangsa Temple in 1724 and 1725 have great significance not only for Korean Buddhism, but also for art history in general.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.134-146
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• 2011

Gyeokgu is a group ball game transmitted into the Joseon Dynasty period as acquiring a great vogue among the royal palace and people in Goryeo Dynasty after being introduced into the country from China. This research aimed through historical investigation to look into the form in which the Goryeo dynasty's kings enjoyed Gyeokgu game, and the historical-spatial signification and the locational characteristics of Gujeong(the ground where play Gyeokgu) which is the courtyard where Gyeokgu game was held centering around the Goryeo dynasty's palace where Gyeokgu was prosperous most. We researched and analyzed the data for research after extracting the records related to Gyeokgu from three historical data of the true records of the Goryeo Dynasty. Upon investigation, twelve among 34 kings of the past generations were concerned with Gyeokgu in Gyeokgu game participation form, and 46 times were recorded in historical records in total. In the participation form, kings participated personally in 9 times among 46 Gyeokgu games, and viewed games in case of 37 times. Among these kings, the 18th generation king Uijong was recorded most as 17 times(36.9%) in Gyeokgu records. Places where Gyeokgu were held were 25 places in total including royal palace, detached palace, Lu-jeong, Buddhist temple, private residences, markets and streets, other outside of the royal court and so on, and 46 time-Gyeokgu games in total were held in these places. 21 time(45.6%)-Gyeokgu games were held in only 5 detached place among these places. So, detached palace were used most for Gyeokgu games. In particular, Gyeokgu games were held most in Suchanggung palace and Jangwonjeong palace among these detached palaces, and all these things were recorded during the reign of King Uijong. Gyeokgu game which was prevalent by the end of the Goryeo Dynasty showed a progression to a national festival which kings, personally coming into streets or Jeoja(an archaic word for "market"), enjoyed with the crowd.