• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.88-103
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to excavate the items of the comprehensive maintenance plan for scenic sites considering sustainability and analyze the needs of them. In this sense, based on 35 reports of the comprehensive maintenance plan established between 2006, when scenic sites started to be designated, and 2017, the items used in 'investigation field' and 'planning field' were examined, and then a survey regarding the needs of the items was conducted using a "5-point Likert Scale", targeting officials at 60 local governments in the whole country. Of 60 local governments, opinions from 48 officials at 45 local governments were analyzed. In order to verify the consistency of their opinions, "Reliability Analysis" was conducted, and Cronbach's alpha coefficient was 0.968 and 0.970 for 'investigation field' and 'planning field', respectively, showing high reliability. As a result of the survey, most opinions generally expressed the needs of 6 items of 'investigation field' of the comprehensive maintenance plan. Especially, the needs to investigate 'historical environment', 'natural environment', 'humanistic environment', and 'landscape' turned out to be high. In addition, as for 'general environment' and 'users', the needs of specific items such as 'distribution of main cultural properties and historic sites' (4.04) and 'acceptance of opinions from local residents and interested parties' (4.15) were found to be high. Besides, the items of 'planning field' also turned out to be needed in general (4.0). Particularly, the needs of 'enhancement of designated value and status' (4.26) and 'the comprehensive maintenance plan for designated areas of cultural properties and historic and cultural environment preservation areas' (4.25) in 'historical environment', 'maintenance of historic buildings at scenic sites' (4.28) in 'humanistic environment', and 'landscape trail planning' (4.28) in 'landscape' were found to be high. In conclusion, the practical items related to investigation and planning of the comprehensive maintenance plan for scenic sites are expected to contribute to effective conservation and management of scenic sites in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
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• v.23 no.7
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• pp.834-846
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• 2017

An increase in the number of retiring experienced pilots as well as drastic graying of new pilots will raise the problems on deepening imbalance of supply and demand of pilots over the next 7 years, which could entail fatal problems for the safety of harbour pilotage. In this study, the improvement plan of legal system to ease imbalance between supply and demand of pilots and help secure more experienced pilots has been proposed. A current state survey and analysis, statistical analysis, questionnaire survey on foreign countries, in-depth consultation with experts, etc., were all carried out to support this research. The conclusions of this study are, firstly, to propose an amendment that the minimum requirement of 5 years of seagoing service as a master to sit for the pilot exam should be relaxed to 2 years(which must include at least 1 year of master's seagoing service within the most recent 5 years) but the minimum requirement of 1 year of pilotage service should be reinforced to 1 year and 6 months to obtain a higher class of pilot certificate. Secondly, it is proposed that an amendment offering an additional 1 point per year over the minimum period of 2 years of seagoing service as a master should be added, with a maximum of 10 points in order to rationalize the additional incentive point system. In order to secure experienced pilots and resolve the legal conflict between the certificate revalidation system and the retirement system, it is also proposed that an amendment be passed revoking the retirement system and limiting the validity of any new certificates only to 68 years of age when issuing or revalidating a certificate, if an applicant is over a certain age. Promotional work, such as collecting opinions from interested parties and generating positive public awareness, should be carried out in the future. It will also be necessary to conduct a study on the training pilot exam system.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.267-290
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• 2018

This paper reviews and criticizes the EU Case of C-452/13, Germanwings GmbH v. Ronny Henning. Under this case, Ronny Henning later sued Lufthansa's budget carrier Germanwings after it refused to pay him 250 euros compensation for a delay he said totalled more than three hours. Germanwings, however, maintained his flight had arrived only two hours and 58 minutes behind schedule. In those circumstances, the following question to the European Court of Justice (ECJ) for a preliminary ruling: What time is relevant for the term time of arrival used in Articles 2, 5 and 7 of Regulation [No 261/2004]: (a) the time that the aircraft lands on the runway (touchdown); (b) the time that the aircraft reaches its parking position and the parking brakes are engaged or the chocks have been applied (in-block time); (c) the time that the aircraft door is opened; (d) a time defined by the parties in the context of party autonomy? ECJ says that the situation of passengers on a flight does not change substantially when their aircraft touches down on the runway at the destination airport, when that aircraft reaches its parking position and the parking brakes are engaged or when the chocks are applied, as the passengers continue to be subject, in the enclosed space in which they are sitting, to various constraints. Therefore, it is only when the passengers are permitted to leave the aircraft and the order is given to that effect to open the doors of the aircraft that the passengers may in principle resume their normal activities without being subject to those constraints. ECJ rules that it is apparent that Articles 2, 5 and 7 of Regulation No 261/2004 must be interpreted as meaning that the concept of 'arrival time', which is used to determine the length of the delay to which passengers on a flight have been subject, corresponds to the time at which at least one of the doors of the aircraft is opened, the assumption being that, at that moment, the passengers are permitted to leave the aircraft.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.34 no.6
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• pp.601-609
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• 2020

This study aims to draw suggestions for establishing the Post-2020 national policy direction and goals related to protected areas in Korea by analyzing the trends of major discussion issues on protected areas in the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and reviewing the achievement progress of the Aichi target-11. Regarding the CBD decisions on protected areas, two decisions (Decisions II/7 and II/8) were adopted in 1995, and then the Program of Work on Protected Areas (PoWPA), which presented an ideal blueprint for protected areas, was adopted at the 7th Conference of the Parties (COP) in 2004. At the 10th COP in 2010, the "Strategic Plan for Biodiversity 2011-2020 and the Aichi Biodiversity Target" (Decision X/2) was adopted along with the Decision X/31, which presented ten key issues related to protected areas. The global outcomes of the Aichi Target-11 include 15% of the earth's land area and 7.4% of the ocean being designated as protected areas. In Korea, 16.63% of the land and 2.12% of the ocean have been designated as protected areas. However, the outcomes of the effective and equitable management, protection of areas important to biodiversity and ecosystem services, and identifying "Other effective area-based conservation measures" (OECMs) and linking them with protected areas have been found to be significantly short of global goals. The first draft of the Post-2020 Global Biodiversity Framework (Post-2020 GBF) prepared in January 2020 presented multi-step objectives. They included protecting at least 60% of particularly important sites for biodiversity through protected areas and other effective area-based conservation measures, at least 30% of the entire land and sea areas, and at least 10% of them under strict protection by 2030. The Updated Zero drafted in August 2020 concisely set out one quantitative goal of at least 30% of the globe by 2030, adding qualitative goals that these areas should be protected and conserved through "well connected and effective system of protected areas and OECMs at least 30 % of the planet with the focus on areas particularly important for biodiversity." Based on the draft Post-2020 GBF's targets related to protected areas and Korea's national targets reflecting the current state of Korea and established national plans, we suggest the national targets "to protect and conserve at least 30% of the land area and 10% of the marine area and to strengthen the means of qualitative achievement by establishing sub-targets through an effective system of protected areas and OECMs by 2030.".

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.118-129
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• 2011

This study is about the governor general's official residence and its garden in Yongsan that were constructed during the Japanese occupational time. The garden design drawing was also made while planning such Neo-Baroque style building, and it contains particular information of the garden unlike the other existing landscape drawings. The content of garden translated and landscape historical value drawn out by analysis of garden drawings, press articles and literatures are as follows; First, such governor general's official residence garden in Yongsan is likely to be the Korean first western style landscape form. For, from the point that it was completely constructed together with such official residential building in 1909, its construction time should be before that of the garden of Seokjojeon, Deoksu Palace, which was constructed in 1911. Second, it shows the garden style and garden planting factors introduced together with the modern architecture then. Such garden planting factors are placed from the center axis of the garden that is connected to the center of the building and monument as well. Such style and factors cover and show the flower bed appearing in Baroque style gardens, the monument that forms Vista playing the center of audience's vision, water space that is placed symmetrically against the axis, planting pattern that emphasizes the plants' space, flower bed shape and axis, and what kinds of plants were introduced then. Third, it shows the using pattern of western style gardens. Western style garden parties used to take in place in this garden while official dinner and reception were held in the evening in the official residence. Fourth, it shows the historical value as a modern landscape drawing, which is the Korean first landscape drawing that shows the plants' names and planting techniques marking the current height and planned height for change of topography and water system as a water landscape factor. That is, this drawing has the value that it was upgraded from the other existing ones that expressed only simple plants' symbols or flower bed shapes. I, therefore, hope that the studies on the modern landscape would be getting wider by excavation of new historical records in the future.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-45
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• 2017

The aim of this study is to analyze the process of the struggle and bargaining for the change of the employment position of the irregular (in-house subcontracted) workers being at work in the Hyundai Motor Company (HMC) plants into the status of the regular employee of the company, and evaluate the results and limitation of the irregular workers' movement. Since the unionization of irregular workers in 2003, they have carried on the struggle against and the bargaining with the HMC, over the past 10 years and more, making claims for abolishing 'illegal temporary agency work' and for converting their positions into the regular ones. The HMC have gradually altered a confrontational stance against the workers' claim at the early stage, into the bargaining relationship with irregular workers' union. Eventually, the collective agreement on the 'special hiring' of about six thousands irregular workers by the HMC was reached in 2016. We attempt to analyze in depth the overall process by dividing three phases of the movement, according to the criteria of the relationship between the alliance and conflict system, and the cycle of protests of irregular workers. Furthermore, we try to trace the long and winding path of the movement, focusing on the cooperation/conflict relationship within the movement's alliance system, the confrontation/bargaining relationship between the movement and the conflict system, and the critical roles played by mediators (or third parties) between two systems. In the conclusion of the paper, we evaluate the results and limitation of the irregular workers' movement upon the basis of the following points; the convergence of the workers' demands into the prime goal of 'becoming HMC's regular employee,' the breakaway of regular workers' union from the movement's alliance system, and a virtual extinction of irregular workers' union after the final labor-management agreement of 2016.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

It is as necessary as ever to make constant efforts to overcome the regional strife between the eastern and western parts of Korea and come to a mutual understanding. To achieve this, we must endeavor to correct Korean people's distorted understanding of the history of Korean philosophical thoughts. Ordinary Koreans commonly and mistakenly associate the academic circles of Korean Neo-Confucianism with certain regions by which to divide them into Giho School and Yongnam School and then go as far as associating the schools and parties and pegging them 'Namin'(南人) to refer to as the followers of Yongnam School and 'Seoin'(西人) as the followers of Giho School. Such false notions must be corrected. During the reign of King Seonjo, political factions of Joseon were split into Yongnam and Giho, or East and West. At the time, the two cardinal directions East and West were only used to refer to the eastern and western parts of Seoul, and not Yeongnam(East) and Giho(West) of the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the factional split at the time has nothing to do with regional cleavages. In fact, a majority of scholars representing Korean Neo-Confucianism maintained a friendly relationship regardless of the school, party, and region. Many leading scholars in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty namely Jo Sik(曺植)/Seong Woon(成運), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Ki DeaSeung(奇大升), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Lee Yi(李珥), Noh Susin (盧守愼)/Lee Yi, the ones in the late Joseon Dynasty -Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經 世)/Kim Jang-Saeng(金長生), Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經世)/Song Joon Gil(宋浚吉), and also those at the end of the Joseon Dynasty such as Kwak JongSeok(郭鍾錫) and Kim BokHan(金福漢) deeply respected each other and had a close friendship rooted in their academic commitment. The friendship between the leaders of Giho and Yongnam is a testimony to the high level of their character, academic achievement, and intellect. More than ever, such intangible intellectual and cultural resources drawn from Korean tradition must be utilized to the fullest. From this point on, we need to further promote the friendship and mutual understanding the scholars of Yongnam(Gyeongsang-do), Gyeonggi, Honam (Jeolla-do), and Hoseo(Chungcheong-do) enjoyed, and use them as a cognitive basis for harmony between the eastern and western parts of the country. These invaluable assets can be specifically used in the promotion of exchange between the local autonomous governments of the regions where above-mentioned scholars built an amicable relationship, joint commemorative events, exchange between families of the scholars of both regions, opening of special exhibitions dedicated to the harmony between Yongnam and Giho at museums in the two regions, co-organization of local festivals, joint operation of culture programs, and relationship and exchange between the 'seowons' in both regions, through which to promote the long history of exchange between the scholars of the past and utilize it in joint projects.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2016

This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.121-156
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• 2015

Memorials in Joseon Dynasty created a arena where the intellectual and political power met. This thesis traces the process of a certain political faction's rebuilding of the political structure of the elite groups by leading the intellectual controversies through memorials, especially those about the evaluations of Pak Setang(朴世堂) and I Gyeongseok(李景奭). This is what happened: Song Siyeol(宋時烈) submitted a memorial which disputed I Gyeongseok's petition, which provoked complete controversies around the memorials between Noron(老論) and Soron(少論). This led to the academic censorship against Sabyeonrok written by Pak Setang. The analysis of act of writing and submission of memorials by Noron and the role of the Kim Family of An-dong(安東 金門) specifically is the main topic here. The members of Soron ceaselessly criticized Song Siyeol, while the Kim Family strongly defended him. The trigger of the strife was a letter written by Kim Chang-Heup(金昌翕), a member of the Kim Family and the Kims played a significant role in the background during the process of political fights using memorials. The series of memorials criticized or supported certain political figure or his writings, but the opinions of Noron and Soron were directly opposite to each other. Even though the expressed difference was the result of the existing political factions, however, it also caused the new power structure of elite groups. The expressions and logics used in the arguments also have its significance. The Noron's memorials evaluated the contemporary people and their writings based on Chu-Hsi and Song Siyeol, who was regarded as a identical figure of Chu-Hsi. The arguments and writing strategies in this regard gained political strength enough to reorganize the intellectual society by changing alignment of political parties, and this led to the rebuilding of academic environment afterward.