• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.17-33
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to find out the features of the Korean family change since 2,000 and to interpret the meaning of the change on the basis of the critical review of both the positive perspective and the negative perspective of the family change in Korea. Through the method of the literature review and the analysis of the various statistics by KOSTAT, it is drawn that explaining the change only by "diversity of family compositions" is not enough to figure out the meaning of the family change in Korea today and that it is needed to go further to approach the change as disintegration of the 'nuclear' composed of the married couple and their children. It is also drawn that the disintegration has led to weakening of the long term functions by the family, i. e., the function of life and of the virtues, which shakes the way of human life and the order of our society. Therefore, the present family change in Korea is to be understood as crisis, not as progress. And it is recommended that the family politics in Korea is to be focused on the ways for the healthy functioning and rebuilding the nuclear of the family.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.25
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• pp.7-40
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• 2004

Today, nuclear energy conflict is caused from the dangerous radioactive material. The main party of this conflict are politic and economic systems which deride nuclear energy, and the persons concerned which it oppose and the anti-nuclear environment group. If the nuclear waste is transported from one nation to another nation, multi national anti-nuclear group appears as conflict party. We call this domestic and transnational risk communication new social movement. From the viewpoint of system theory, the new social movement can mean the offensive development of self-reference which withstand the "technicalization of communication" through the "symbolically generalized communication media" like money and power. By comparing Northeast Asia and Europe, the nuclear energy conflict did not show a big difference in the selection of nuclear waste storing site. In the Northeast Asia, when Taiwan exports the nuclear waste to North Korea, the international conflict broke out. In Europe, Germany has a hard experience with the construction-plan for the re-treating plant that produces the plutonium from the dangerous nuclear waste, and with the transnational transport of the nuclear waste. The new social movement aims the global paradigm which is able to guarantee the subtainability of ecological environment. The nuclear conflict in the "world risk society" is solved through the "discourse-alliance" which accomplishes sub-politics by crossing the border of class, nation and system.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.8
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• pp.271-309
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• 2010

The main theme of this study is about North Korea's contemporary military strategy which remained a blind spot in the 21st century. Indeed, Pyongyang's contemporary military strategy is evolved from the logic of War. On the basis of this logic, this study examined North Korea's contemporary military strategy with three analytical frameworks. The first is the discovery of Clausewitz's dictums and application of the Trinitarian analysis on the Korean cases. During the course of applying Clausewitzian main dictum--War as continuation of politics, the methodological analysis on war played a important role generalizing the pattern and matrix of North Korea's strategic thinking and military strategy. In particular, Clausewitz's Trinitarian framework on war -Government (reason), Army (chance), People (passion)- was a universal framework to scrutinize the North Korean missile and nuclear strategy. The second is about the matrix of North Korea's military strategy, The study suggested the genealogical feature of Pyongyang's military strategy. In principle, the dictum of 'Military-First Politics' 1S the combination of the political philosophy, Chuch'e (self-reliance) of Kim Il Sung and Kin Jong Il reflected in the military readiness. As a result this analysis was able to equate Clausewitz's dictums to explain Pyongyang's idea of the nature of war in that North Korea's military strategy is the central instrument of delivery to achieve political objectives. The third is about the theoretical encounter of 'Clausewitz's Wonderful Trinity' and 'Remarkable Trinity on North Korea's contemporary strategy'. On the basis, three elements are connected to one of three groups in society; the people, the military, and the government. In order to apply the Clausewitz's Trinitarian analysis into Kim Jong Il's 'Military-First' strategy, two case studies (Missile and Nuclear strategy) were examined. The finding of this study is that Clausewitzian dictum in the 19th century is still valid in the 21st century as it provided plausible theoretical framework to explain the North Korean contemporary military strategy with a reminder that the nature and logic of war are fixed in the socially constructed state.

• Journal of Energy Engineering
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.203-212
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• 1999

The Republic of Korea is actively constructing and operating nuclear power plants and will maintain the nuclear energy program in spite of the current stagnation of nuclear industries in advanced countries. The significant role of Korea in the world economy is well recognized as Korea became a member of OECD. The Korean economy is rated as the eleventh largest in the world. Korea is a very important customer in the world nuclear market and is also regarded as a potential future supplier. However, the domestic and international environment for globalization of the Korean nuclear industry is not well established. This is mainly due to the past nuclear policy which has emphasized technological self-reliance with less attention to the international politics and trading. Under this background, this paper suggests the strategies for promoting the nuclear trade and expanding the influence in the decision making process of international nuclear community.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.51-82
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• 2002

This paper focuses on the process of national family politics through the project of family planning which became one of the main factors that brought the structural change in Korean families after 1960's. The family planning was established under the national project which was tightly driven by the government, and the new families were built artificially and coercibly by the plan rationality. The various and diverse forms of the national family politics were revealed in the process of the project. For example, the image of the modern families was forcedly adopted in order to justify the project, the families in this period were under microscopic surveillance in order to accomplish th e project effectively , etc. Modern nuclear families were derived through the economical and social support on the families only with a few number of children, and the structural change was made through the medical technique and support. Consequently, during the forty years after the project, the size of the families were reduced drastically, various and diverse forms of families were generated, and the modern family action and value were wide spread and generalized. Through the project, the government has been establishing th family patterns and norms which were so suitable to the modernization project that the families were able to be pulled into public sphere. The family problems in this process became very serious. However the government repeatedly forced the families to be the reoresentative of welfare state through new-modern political discourses. The welfare through the family is coerced to replace the weakness of welfare state. However the family is not the subject of the welfare, but the object of the welfare. The governmental family politics must make more efforts to gave the families to be the object to the welfare.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.32-64
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• 2015

This paper examines the types and trends of North Korea's military provocations and regional maritime threats against South Korea, and is focusing on the Republic of Korea's naval development and modernizations by the Republic of Korea Navy (ROKN) on future actions, what directions of the ROKN has taken thus far in response, as well as an examination of how the ROKN might respond to vulnerabilities identified throughout modern history. Importantly, this paper does not consider the domestic, bilateral, multilateral, regional and global political dimensions of the situation on the Korean Peninsula; nor does it consider the North Korea's transitional power politics, but including North Korea's nuclear program and submarine-launched ballistic missile developments, as a caveat, this paper is based on open sources in Korean and English language, and thus information concerning provocations is indicative only.

• Journal of Nuclear Fuel Cycle and Waste Technology(JNFCWT)
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.351-357
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• 2007

The Japanese Government selected Mutsu, Aomori Prefecture as a provisional spent-fuel repository site. This comes as a result of the prefecture's five-year campaign to host the site since 2000. Korea stores spent nuclear fuel within sites of nuclear power plants, and expects the storage capacity to reach its limit by the year 2016. This compels Korea to learn the cases of Japan. Having successfully hosted Gyeongju as a site for low-to-intermediate-level nuclear waste repository, Korea has already learned the potential process of hosting spent fuel storage site. The striking difference between the two countries in the process of hosting the site is that the Korean government had to offer the local city a large amount of subsidy for hosting through competitive citizens' referendum among candidate cities while it was the leadership of the local municipality that enabled the controversial decision in Japan. It is also a distinguishable characteristics of Japan that not a huge subsidy is provided to the local host city. I hope this study offers an idea to Korea's future effort to select a spent-fuel host site.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.93-112
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• 2018

The Pyeongchang 2018 Olympic Winter Games is a good example of functionalism in integration theories. President Moon Jae-in is extremely lucky to play host to the Winter Olympics. Moon should be particularly happy to have declared the 23rd Winter Games open, because a handful of North Korean athletes marched into the Pyeongchang Stadium as members of a joint team from "Corea," the result of his strenuous efforts to have the North participate in the world festival of sports on snow and ice. But the president of this divided nation hardly draws envy from other world leaders, as he is faced with the daunting task of accommodating the selfish positions of surrounding powers concerning North Korean nuclear and missile threats. North Korea, a trivial competitor in winter sports, scored big outside the games' sporting arenas by inviting President Moon to summit talks in Pyongyang. As a precondition for a 2018 summit, Pyongyang will first ask for the cessation of the annual joint Korea-US military exercises. President Moon invested a lot in the Olympic delegates from the North. Korea's leader will now have to start a truly difficult game which will require the best of best strategies as well as a great deal of wisdom and tenacity not only to deal with the weapons of mass destruction-toting North Koreans, but also with allies. On the other hand, Moon needs to make the effort to reset domestic politics with tolerance and compromise, so he can better concentrate on the conundrum of North Korean nuclear and missile threats.

• Journal of Radiation Protection and Research
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.59-72
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• 1996

The continuous expansions and development of nuclear power have led to generation of the significant volume of spent fuels and radioactive wastes. And so, safe and effective management of the spent fuel has been becoming internationally sensitive and significant issue since the early 1990s. Especially, more importance would be added in the view point of international politics, because of recent political changes in the countries of Eastern Europe including dissociation of the former Soviet Union and the difficulties faced by the nuclear industries worldwide. Accordingly, this paper is proposed to show an overview of national strategies and Policies on the spent fuel management, that are being assessed and carried out worldwide at this time. The overview is based on recent developments of the national strategies, their implementations and some related experiences presented in IAEA International meetings and some technical papers.

• Korea and World Politics
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.129-158
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• 2017

The names of North Korean nuclear and missile dedicated operations units have changed to artillery corps, missile guidance agency, strategic rocket forces, and strategic forces. The North Korean strategic forces is an independent military that has the status of the 4th army, which is distinguished from conventional forces. Unlike other units under the command of the chief of general staff, the strategic forces receives direct orders from the supreme commander. The strategic forces plays an important role in economic and nuclear armed constructions. However, since it is in the early stage of building nuclear forces, it does not play a role properly. The strategic forces is expected to give flexibility and diversity to North Korean conventional forces-based military strategy. If the strategic forces is not involved in the operation of the SLBMs, conflicts may arise over the right to operate nuclear and missile in North Korea.