• 대한지리학회지
• /
• 제41권4호
• /
• pp.470-490
• /
• 2006

본 논문은 현대 사회운동 연구의 대표적인 접근법인 자원동원이론, 프레임이론, 신사회운동이론을 비판적인 관점에서 비교 고찰하며 이들의 한계를 극복할 수 있는 방안을 사회운동의 공간성에 대한 고찰을 통해 제시하고 있다. 현대 사회운동 연구의 주류 패러다임을 형성해 온 자원동원이론과 프레임 이론은 최근 논쟁정치 연구로 통합되고 있는데 이들은 사회운동의 동원과 전략, 정치적 과정에 초점을 맞추어 사회운동의 원리와 일반적인 법칙을 제시하고자 하였다. 그러나 사회운동의 전략적인 측면에 치우쳐 사회운동의 동인을 분석할 수 있는 틀을 개발하지 못하였고 이는 사회운동의 과정과 맥락에 대한 인식부족을 가져왔다. 신사회운동 이론은 새로운 사회운동의 발발을 거시적이고 구조적 관점에서 설명하고 있으나 추상적이고 대상지역이 한정되어 있다는 한계를 노 정해 왔다. 사회운동의 공간성에 대한 연구는 사회운동의 지역적 차이에 대한 심층적 이해를 도모하며 사회운동을 촉발시킨 갈등구조가 형성되고 집단행동이 조직되는 국지적 맥락에 대한 풍부한 통찰력을 제공해 준다. 또한 공간의 물리적 구조와 상징성은 운동의 규모와 방법을 제한하며 사회운동에 의해 활용되기도 하는 전략적 매개체이다. 사회운동의 공간성은 사회운동의 다양성과 역동성을 설명해주는 유용한 개념이 될 수 있다.

• 미술이론과 현장
• /
• 제7호
• /
• pp.37-64
• /
• 2009

The theories of Korean Public Art originated by the artists who were against dictatorship and they associated with democratic politicians. They criticized the Fine art that were supported by the dictatorship and gave their efforts for restoration of 'resistance paintings(against dictatorship)', 'proletarian painting', 'realism painting'. In addition, they participated new social ideology(democracy) movement and demonstrated for their rights in arts. These became the main kernel the public art theory was initiated. The public artists splitted into several different parts and participated in the democratic social movement as well as the art movement for freedom. They opened various art exhibitions within different genre, diverse space for various art section such as an exhibition hall, a factories, a university, or a congregation square. Furthermore, the public art theorists published their divergent views through newspaper/broadcasting or unauthorized printed materials. Most of the public artist and the theorists kept their relationship strongly until 1985, the time when 'National Arts Association' started. In 1983 and 1984, they were clearly separated into two parts; artists(move only in art museums) and activists(move in public spaces like school, convention square etc). Their ideological separation also took out national problems. The division; professional artists and armatures, became the social issue as a social stratification matter. And in creating method, there are also other conflicts; critical realism, and public realism as well as western painting and traditional one. These kinds of separation and conflicts made different Public artists associations, under divergent names; 'Reality and Speak'(R&S), 'KwangJu Art Association', 'Durung', 'Dang(Land)', and 'Local Youth Students Association'. In addition, their ideology and pursuit toward art movements were very difference. However, the differences and conflicts weakened When the oppression of democratic education from new dictatorship(Pres. Jun, Doo Hwan) came out. In August. 1985 the government opened to the public so called, 'The draft of School stabilization law'(Hankwon Anjung Bup) to control the teachers' rights and that initiated bigger street demonstration and conflicts between police and educators. In November.1985, assembly meeting of National Arts Association in democracy opened as 'ONE' combined organization. In this presentation, I'd like to summarize the stream of art movement until 1984, and clarify the main art theories that lead the Public Art Movements in 1980s. The main theories in 1980s are crucial because they become the origin of public art theories. This presentation started with O,youn's "Hyunsil Dong In the first declaration" and explained the absent of practice in 1970s. In addition, Won, Dong Suk 's theory was mentioned as all over struggles in theories before 1980s. GA and R&S 's founding declarations in 1970s were the start of public art theorists' activities and this article reported the activities after the declarations. First, realism base on the consciousness of reality. Second, practice art democratization based on the ideology. Third, the subject of public art movement based on understanding people's social stratification structure. Fourth, the matters of national forms and creative ways in arts based on showing reality. Fifth, the strong points in arts that the practitioners accepted. About the public art theories around 1984, I discussed the dividing point of public art theories that were shown in 'generation theory', 'organization theory', and 'popularization theory' by the practitioners. The public realism theory that subjects the contradiction of reality and point out the limits of critical realism not only showing the new creative ways but also giving the feeling of solidarity to the public art activist groups. After that, public art movements expressed 'Dismentlement of Capitalism' and 'Public revolution'. In addition, the direction of public art movements were established strongly. There were various opinions and views during the start and formation of the public art theories. The foundation of theorists activities derived from the practitioners who had the concept based on stratification and nationalism. The strong trend of group division spreaded out by practitioners who opened art work together in factories, universities, squares and rural areas. Now many lively active practitioners are gone to the other field not related with arts, and others join into professional art field not public art one with unknown reason. The theorists have the same situation with the practitioners. It means to me that theory always have to be based on the practice.

• 정보화정책
• /
• 제18권2호
• /
• pp.3-22
• /
• 2011

온라인 사회운동 연구에 있어 가장 근본적인 관심사는 인터넷의 확산이 기존 사회운동에 어떤 변화를 가져올 것인가라는 점이다. 연구자들의 관심은 우선 인터넷이 초래하는 운동의 주체와 전략에 대한 변화양상이다. 인터넷의 출현 이후, 지리적으로 산재된 개인들의 수평적 네트워크 혹은 개별 네트워크들이 연합한 네트워크가 운동의 주체로 활동하는 새로운 현상을 낳았다. 또한 일부 연구자들은 인터넷과 사회운동의 결합으로 인해 나타난 '새로운 집단행동 전술 및 전략'에 주목하였다. 온라인 사회운동의 증가는 자원동원, 집단정체성, 그리고 정치적 기회구조 등에 관한 기존 사회운동 이론에 있어도 새로운 해석을 요구하고 있다. 인터넷이 사회운동에 미친 영향, 그리고 그로 인한 변화양상에 대해서는 여전히 많은 논쟁이 진행 중이다. 초기 사이버 낙관론과 회의론 간의 논쟁은 물론이고, 이후 중범위적 시각에서 진행된 연구들 역시 인터넷의 영향력에 대해 서로 다른 입장을 보이고 있다. 이는 무엇보다 온라인 사회운동의 역사가 불과 10여년 밖에 되지 않아 충분한 사례연구와 데이터 축적이 이루어지지 않았기 때문이다. 향후에는 기술진화에 따른 온라인 사회운동의 변화와 비교연구에 더 많은 관심을 둘 필요가 있다. 또한 연구의 시각을 사회운동 내부에만 초점을 둘 것이 아니라 정치체제의 차원으로 확장해, 온라인 사회운동이 정치적 매개집단 그리고 나아가 민주주의 모델에 미치는 영향에 대해 분석할 필요가 있다.

• 미술이론과 현장
• /
• 제5호
• /
• pp.217-229
• /
• 2007

Many historical research and facet about modern art in Indonesia which formulating background of contemporary Indonesian Art. Indonesian art critic Sanento Yuliman states that Modern art has been rapidly developing in Indonesia since the Indonesian Independence in 1945. Modern Art is a part of the super culture of the Indonesian metropolitan and is closely related to the contact between the Indonesian and Western Cultures. Its birth was part of the nationalism project, when the Indonesian people consists of various ethnics were determined to become a new nation, the Indonesian nation, and they wished for a new culture, and therefore, a new art. The period 1960s, which was the beginning of the creation and development of the painters and the painters associations, was the first stage of the development of modern art in Indonesia. The second stage showed the important role of the higher education institutes for art. These institutes have developed since the 1950s and in the 1970s they were the main education institutes for painters and other artists. The artists awareness of the medium, forms or the organization of shapes were encouraged more intensely and these encouraged the exploring and experimental attitudes. Meanwhile, the information about the world's modern art, particularly Western Art; was widely and rapidly spread. The 1960s and 1970s were marked by the development of various abstractions and abstract art and the great number of explorations in various new media, like the experiment with collage, assemblage, mixed media. The works of the Neo Art Movement-group in the second half of the 1970s and in the 1980s shows environmental art and installations, influenced by the elements of popular art, from the commercial world and mass media, as well as the involvement of art in the social and environmental affairs. The issues about the environment, frequently launched by the intellectuals in the period of economic development starting in the 1970s, echoed among the artists, and they were widened in the social, art and cultural circles. The Indonesian economic development following the important change in the 1970s has caused a change in the life of the middle and upper class society, as has the change in various aspects of a big city, particularly Jakarta. The new genre emerged in 1975 which indicates contemporary art in Indonesia, when a group of young artists organized a movement, which was widely known as the Indonesian New Art Movement. This movement criticized international style, universalism and the long standing debate on an east-west-dichotomy. As far as the actual practice of the arts was concerned the movement criticized the domination of the art of painting and saw this as a sign of stagnation in Indonesian art development. Based on this criticism 'the movement' introduced ready-mades and installations (Jim Supangkat). Takes almost two decades that the New Art Movement activists were establishing Indonesian Installation art genre as contemporary paradigm and influenced the 1980's gene ration like, FX Harsono, Dadang Christanto, Arahmaiani, Tisna Sanjaya, Diyanto, Andarmanik, entering the 1990's decade as "rebellion period" ; reject towards established aesthetic mainstream i.e. painting, sculpture, graphic art which are insufficient to express "new language" and artistic needs especially to mediate social politic and cultural situation. Installation Art which contains open possibilities of creation become a vehicle for aesthetic establishment rejection and social politics stagnant expression in 1990s. Installation art accommodates two major field; first, the rejection of aesthetic establishment has a consequences an artists quest for medium; deconstruction models and cross disciplines into multi and intermedia i.e. performance, music, video etc. Second aspect is artists' social politic intention for changes, both conclude as characteristics of Indonesian Installation Art and establishing the freedom of expression in contemporary Indonesian Art until today.

• 미술이론과 현장
• /
• 제16호
• /
• pp.71-103
• /
• 2013

This paper explores the key figure of minjung misul ("the people's art"), Kim Bongjun, and the art collective Dureong in the relationship between 'dialogue' and the dissidents' structural critique of Korea's modernities. During the 1980s' prodemocracy movement, the minjung artists and other dissident intellectuals used the notion of dialogue as metaphor for and allegory of democracy to articulate not only Koreans' experience of modern history, which they saw as "alienating" and "inhumane," but also the discrepancies between Koreans' predicaments and their political aspirations and their working toward the fulfillment of those ideals. Envisioning alternative forms of modernities, Kim Bongjun and other Dureong members paid attention to the fundamental elements of art, which consist of art as a modern institution, as well as the everyday lives of people as the very site of Koreans' modernities. They endeavored to create "art of life," which presumes its being part of people's lives, based on the cultural and spiritual traditions of the agrarian community. They also participated in the national culture movement, the minjung church, and the alternative-life movement to radically envision everyday lives through the indigenous reinterpretation of democratic values. Despite the significant role played by the church mission and its community involvement, its effects on minjung misul have received little attention in the relevant studies. Thus, I consider in particular the minjung church's and the alternative-life movement's confluence of multiple cultural and social constituencies in relation to Kim and the Dureong collective's vision of a new art and community.

• 미술이론과 현장
• /
• 제15호
• /
• pp.7-30
• /
• 2013

This is a study on the ecological view of Robert Smithson's reclamation projects. Smithson was a pioneer of Earth art in the late 1960's. Robert Smithson believed that he could transform industrial wastelands, such as an abandoned oil rig and a no longer used quarry, into "Earth Art." In the early seventies, he conceived of land reclamation as a new art form and called this art "Reclamation Projects." His attention regarding industrial ruin started from the American political and social situations in the 1960's. In the late 1960's, American society was in chaos from the right of movement of African Americans, the women's rights movement and from the strike for renunciation of the Vietnam War. The intellectual class seemed to believe that it was the destiny of a closed system's society to run in the direction of entropy. Smithson, who was skeptical about the system of American society, also thought that entropy was the proper diagnosis to describe America's situation in the 1960's. The 1960's civic movements like the civil rights movement and antiwar movements expanded into the environmental movements based on ecological views of the 1970's. The government had also started to worry about environmental pollution. Thus, the reclamation act was also established in 1972. Smithson believed that the relation between art and social background are closely related and affect each other. He was concerned with how art can join society, and the result was reclamation projects. Such reclamation projects lie on man-made wastelands, like abandoned oil rigs and no longer used quarries, which was an allegory of entropy. He also thought that Frederick Law Olmsted was a pioneer of earth art. The aesthetic category of Olmsted's view of landscape is to be based on the picturesque of Uvedale Price and William Gilpin. So Smithson, who considered Olmsted as his touchstone, also accepted the picturesque. Such reclamation projects aim to change with nature by adapting the creative power of artists to the ruin which has the highest level of entropy in industrial society. Smithson wanted this to become the bridge between man and nature. His reclamation project's aim, which shows the system interacting between man and nature as a network, is not different from the ecological view of the 1970's environmental movement.

• 한국과 국제사회
• /
• 제1권1호
• /
• pp.7-30
• /
• 2017

음모론은 모든 국가와 사회에서 발생하고 있으며, 한국사회에서도 정치적 사건에 대한 음모론이 지속적으로 발생하고 있다. 음모론은 사회현상의 근본적인 발생 원인에 대해 공식적 원임규명에 대해 특정한 개인이나 집단에 의해 의도적으로 원인규명에 이의를 제기하면서 반발하는 현상을 말한다. 음모론은 국가와 정부의 사건에 대한 원인규명에 저항하여 신뢰성에 반발하면서 저항하여 타격을 주는 것이다. 한국사회에서 음모론은 주로 정치적 사건에서 발생하였는데, 정치적 사건에 대한 음모론은 정치권력을 안정화시키려는 세력과 정치권력을 교체하려는 보수와 진보의 작용과 반작용의 형태로 나타나고 있다. 장준하 사망사건에 대한 음모론은 집권세력에 저항한 인물의 갑작스런 죽음에 의문을 제기하는 과정에서 발생한 것으로 집권세력의 대한 정당성을 불신하는 측면이 강하였다. 또한 광주민주화운동과 천안함 침몰에 대한 음모론은 전자가 신군부의 정권탈취를 위한 폭력의 정당화, 후자가 남북관계의 단절에 대한 정당화에 근거로 활용되는 것에 대한 국민들의 저항적 성향을 지니고 있다. 한국정치에서 음모론은 각종 선거과 관련하여 활용되는 특성이 강하지만 선거 결과에 직접적이고, 결정적인 영향력을 행사하지는 못하였다. 그렇지만 한국정치에서 음모론은 정치적 사건의 원인규명에 대한 진위논란에서 음모론의 정당성 여부에 관계없이 한국사회를 혼란시키는 요인으로 작용하고 있다.

• 수산경영론집
• /
• 제24권1호
• /
• pp.65-86
• /
• 1993

In this paper, fishery economics is reviewed to extend a basic opportunity for developing new fishery economics and to evaluate the effects of the import liberalization on the fish trade structure of Korea. The principle outline of extensions emphasis to realize the modern fishery problems based on fishery economics and develop the practical methodology in order to analyze the impacts of the import liberalization on the fishery and fishermen welfare. During the process of export - oriented industrilization, the role and position of fishery in the economy is changed dynamically. When faced with the imperative of the role and position of fishery in the economy, fishery economists and domestic policy makers must decide how to organize themselves for solving fishery problems under the new regime in the import liberalization on the fish trade. Fishery problems impacted by the new regime can not be solved by fishery itself but be solved by the centralized efforts of all contributors in national views. Therefore the new systematic analytical methodology must be develop and the traditional fishery economics must be related to the regional development strategy and fishery sociology as subsidiary theories specialized. Due to the impacts of the import liberalization on the fish trade structure, fishery economists face with radical changes in the domestic fishery : a place of the resources harvest to place of the combination resource harvest and its demand, a fishing as a resource exploitation to a fishing as a resource management, a traditional small scale costal fishing to a modernized and scaled fishing, fishery using the given natural resource itself to fishery as technology intensive industry, and a food supply industry to a welfare indusry based on the regional and economic resource and social environment. As these changes, fishery and its community's regional and economic resource and social environments as multiple roles of the regional economic development are emphasized in fishery economics under the new regime in the import liberalization on the fish trade. Furthermore, domestic policy makers and administrators in a public sector must realize the above radical changing trends in fishery and understand a social and economic environment in fishery and develop a new fishery structure focusing on the fishing system and the fishery laws. As this point, they make efforts to improve and develop fishery as a food supply industry. Japan, for example, has a non - governmental organization to conflict the problem of international fishery such as a movement of a civil environmental protection. Also fishermen in Japan already realized conservation and pollution problems in fishing as fundamental issues of human being.

• 이베로아메리카
• /
• 제13권1호
• /
• pp.123-152
• /
• 2011

The long standing people's culture of Latin America based on social solidarity of the communities makes the political relations between the leader and the people very different from them of the european societies based on the representative democracy. At any rate, the main stream of the Populist Discourses sees the real populist political processes with the pejorative senses attributing the demagogue style of the leaders. In these sense, it is very important to re-consider the populism discourses of Ernesto Laclau who thinks that the populism is a way of interpreting the emergence of the people to establish the social demands in the context of populist real politics. According to Laclau, "the populism seeks for the radical reconfiguration of the revolt of the 'Status Quo' and new order". This work will confirm if this interpretation of Laclau can be applied to Peronist political regime. Meanwhile the first group of the orthodox line of the discourses on populism including Gino Germani shows that the populism is a political movement based on the manipulation and demagogue by the charismatic leader of the irrational mass during the period in transition after the crises of the traditional oligarchy in Latin America. And another line of the main stream of discourses on populism including Cardoso and O'Donnell says that the populism is a political phenomena in a period of transition towards the modernization and the national development by means of the industrialization through the substitution of the imports and the alliance between the classes after the 1930's. But these principal interpretations on populism disregards that in Argentina many urban poor working class people had lived under the racist, unequal painful social relations due to the underestimation and the discrimination by the upper and the middle class with many intellectuals. But Peronism had considered them as the new social subjects with human dignities. And so we have to rethink the clientelism also with another meanings. In this sense, the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism is very helpful to illuminate the sensitive and ambiguous meanings of Peronism. Especially Peronism makes the urban working class maintain their life styles more tended to them of the traditional communities and go towards the anti-Status Quo. That is a key of success of Peronism not only that time but until these days. And so this study will show that it is the most important thing that Peronist regime had made the emergence of the 'people' in the meaning of advancing the democracy in Argentina.

• 페미니즘연구
• /
• 제9권1호
• /
• pp.79-111
• /
• 2009

이글은 서울대 여성연구소가 학력, 연령, 지역을 고려하여 선정한 38명에 대하여 '모성'을 주제로 시행한 구술생애사 면접조사 자료에서, 모성에 관한 이야기 틈틈이 발견된 아버지에 대한 기억들을 정리한 것이다. 38명의 구술은 아버지의 역할과 관련하여, 첫째, 아버지에 대해 전혀 말하지 않은 사람(5명), 둘째, 아버지에 대해서 간단한 부정적인 언급을 한 경우(5명), 셋째, 아버지가 경제적으로 무능력했지만 훈육과 따뜻한 보살핌을 준 경우(6명), 넷째, 다양한 역할을 수행한 아버지(11명), 그리고 다섯째, 아버지와 매우 친밀하고 아버지 역할이 중요하게 구술된 경우(12명, 그중 1명은 경제적 무능으로 세 번째 범주에도 속하여 겹침)로 유형화된다. 이 연구결과는 보편적 부성의 존재와 함께, 부성없는 부모됨이나 전통적 부성-새로운 부성의 이분법, 그리고 사회변화와 함께 등장한 새로운 부성의 명제가 적어도 한국사회에서는 부정된다는 것을 말해준다. 그것은 양육적 부성의 다층성과도 연관된다. 또한 대체로 따듯하고 양성평등의 가치관을 가진 아버지가 딸의 임파워먼트에 중요한 역할을 한 것을 볼 수 있다.