• 통상정보연구
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• 제8권1호
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• pp.87-104
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• 2006

We are in an era of global business called one world market. These environments require Korean firms to face an unlimited competition and to resolve their dispute by ADR. Few study, however, on the ways of dispute settlement under the changed international business environment has been done. Thus the major purposes of this study are to investigate Busan's trading companies' preference on the dispute resolution ways. Based on the results of my study, I suggest Busan's trading companies the following guidelines. First, Busan's trading companies should improve their negotiating power by using internet trade and problem solving ability through the establishment of claim information system. Second, They should write contract. Lastly, they should investigate their counterparty's credit.

• Strategy21
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• 통권44호
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• pp.103-141
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• 2018

As the South China Sea maritime dispute illustrates, when considering the place where maritime claims occur, states do not have many choices to respond to maritime claims in which disputed areas are located far away from the land and are surrounded by the sea. As Mearsheimer (2014) points out, the sea stops power projection. Therefore, in order to adopt coercive as well as peaceful settlement policies to deal with maritime claims, states need to overcome obstacles (the sea) to project power. It means that if states want to conduct a specific foreign policy action, such as negotiating maritime borderlines or arguing sovereignty on islands, they need a tool (naval power) to coerce or to persuade the opponent. However, there are lack of research that studies maritime claims from the perspective of naval power. This research project fills this gap based on naval power. How do relative levels of naval power and (dis) parities of naval power influence the occurrence of MIDs over maritime claims? Naval power is a constitutive element during maritime claims. If disputants over maritime claims have required naval power to project their capability, it means that they have the capability to apply various ways, such as aggressive options including MIDs, to accomplish their goals. So, I argue that when two claimants have enough naval power to project their capabilities, the likelihood of MIDs over maritime claims increases. Given that one or both states have a certain level of naval power, how does relative naval power between two claimants influence the management of maritime claims? Based on the power transition theory, I argue that when the disparities of relative naval power between claimants becomes distinctive, militarized conflicts surrounding maritime territory are less probable. Based on the ICOW project which codes maritime claims from 1900 to 2001, the empirical results of the Poisson models show if both claimants have projectable naval power, the occurrence of MIDs over maritime claims increases. In addition, the result shows that when disputants maintain similar relative naval powers, they are more likely to initiate MIDs over maritime claims. To put it differently, if naval capabilities' gap between two claimants becomes larger, the probability of the occurrence of MIDs decreases.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제23권1호
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• pp.1-44
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• 2013

This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.210-236
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• 2021

China's Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure connectivity and other projects are presented in much of the discourse as a grand strategy to trap developing nations in debt, to exert asymmetric power and construct a new world economic order. The asymmetric relationship between China and Myanmar might therefore be expected to generate a range of political risks for stakeholders. Myanmar itself presents a "perfect storm" of problems, with dysfunctional governance, civil conflict, under-development and growing economic dependence on China. The Kyaukphyu port project and associated Special Economic Zone in Myanmar's troubled Rakhine state is investigated as a case study of risks on the Belt and Road. While worst case fears China might seize military control of the port appear unlikely, at least in current conditions, empirical observation indicates the complexity on the ground generates an array of other risks - as well as opportunities, should conditions allow. Further, despite challenges and constrained capacity, Myanmar governments have demonstrated agency, including by re-negotiating control and costs of the Kyaukphyu project. The case underlines that conditions are more complicated than simply China's asymmetric power. A sceptical approach is taken to normative discourses in order to build inductive understanding of how stakeholders and local experts perceive dynamics underway. A political risk approach is deployed to develop a framework to identify, analyse and assess risks for actors in relation to the Kyaukphyu project. The research findings are presented on an interim basis, given current constraints on field interviews due to the current crisis.

• 한국경제지리학회지
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• 제16권3호
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• pp.423-444
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• 2013

베트남 특히 메콩델타지역은 1990년대 이후 지속적으로 관광객 수가 증가해 왔으며, 특히 터이선 섬은 이 지역의 대표적 농촌관광지 중 하나로 주목받아 왔다. 이 연구는 농촌지역에서 관광개발이 이루어질 때, 관광 자본의 성격(역외/역내)에 따라 공급자들이 어떻게 네트워크를 형성하는지를 밝히고자 하였다. 분석 결과, 터이선 섬의 주요 관광공급자는 크게, 호치민시의 여행사, 지방 여행사, 지역 주민 및 행정기관으로 나타났으며, 이 중, 호치민시의 여행사와 지방 여행사는 관광객(관광 수요)와 지역 주민(관광 공급)을 이어주는 중심적 연결자로서 기능하고 있다는 것이 밝혀졌다. 또한, 호치민시의 여행사와 지방 여행사간의 네트워킹은 서류상 계약(공적 네트워킹)이 지배적인 반면, 지방 여행사와 지역 주민간의 네트워킹은 서류상 계약(공식 네트워킹)과 구두상 계약(비공식 네트워킹)이 동시에 존재하였다. 한편, 지역 주민간의 네트워킹에서는 가족, 친구, 근린관계에 기반한 비공식 네트워킹이 지배적으로 나타났다. 한편, 지방 여행사간 또는 터이선 관광의 최종 목적지이며 지역 주민들에 의해 운영되는 과수 농원(tourist sites) 간에는 어떠한 협조적 네트워킹도 나타나고 있지 않다는 것이 밝혀졌다. 이러한 공급자 간의 네트워킹의 일차적 동기는 가격 경쟁이며, 그 결과 터이선 섬 관광 수입의 대부분이 호치민시의 여행사로 누출되며, 지역내 공급자에게는 일부분만이 돌아가는 수입 분배의 불균형이 나타났다. 즉, 지역내 공급자간의 치열한 경쟁이 호치민시의 여행사와 관광 업무 체결시 교섭력을 발휘할 수 없게 하고 있었다. 최근 지역내 관광 공급자들의 연합조직으로 관광협회가 설립되었지만, 주요 공급자가 아직 가입하고 있지 않으며, 지역내 공급자들의 교섭력을 높이는데는 역부족인 것으로 보여진다.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.550-572
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• 2009

본 논문은 한-미 양국 간 힘의 비대칭적 상황에서 발생한 통상협상과정에서 약자인 한국이 유리한 협상성과를 얻은 사례 검토를 통하여 무엇이 균등화요소로서 작용하였는지를 1969년부터 시작된 한-미 섬유협상 사례를 통하여 확인하였다. 본 논문에서는 국가간 협력이 어떤 근거 하에 이루어지는가에 대한 기존의 정치학적 이론을 상황별 수인의 딜레마게임(Prisoner's Dilemma Game)을 적용하여 해석하였다. 본 논문은 힘의 비대칭상황에서 약자인 한국이 균등화전략 요소로 양국간 특수한 협력관계를 활용하였다는 사실을 발견해 낸 점에서 의미가 있으며, 본 연구결과를 토대로 협상에서의 약자가 어떻게 균등화전략을 사용할 때 win-set에 영향을 주고 결과에 유효할 것인지를 예측할 수 있도록 하였다는 점에서 실제적인 기여가 있다고 생각된다.

• 한국직업건강간호학회지
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.140-149
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• 2010

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to explore the coping process of chief Executive Nurses(CENs) Who Had Experienced Unexpected Dismissal.The research question was "would you tell me about your experience of sudden dismissal?" Method: The methodology of collecting and analyzing data used in this study followed the ground theory of Strauss and Corbin (1998). Data were collected through in-depth interviews with open-ended questions about the subjects' coping experiences, which were audio-taped and transcribed. The survey was conducted between April and May, 2007. The subjects of this study were 5 CENs. Result: The results of the study are as follows. Core category of This Study was "Battling unsupported against the overwhelming reality." The participants had to face the most unexpected reality of being laid off. Their emotional/psychological response were betrayal, powerlessness, lonesomeness, sorrow, and hopelessness. They felt like a general who is facing overwhelming enemy in a war. The coping process was found to have four stages: shocked stage, resisting stage, negotiating stage and reflecting and transcending stage. Conclusion: The result of this study suggested that ceaseless exertion and cooperation at organizational and individual levels are needed to establish stable status and power of nursing departments and CENs in hospitals.

• 벤처창업연구
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.83-91
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• 2013

최근 창조경제가 정부의 확고한 국정기조로 자리잡게 됨에 따라 국가경제 전반에 혁신과 창의를 공급하는 중소벤처기업들에 대한 관심이 증대하고 창업활동에 대한 지원도 활성화될 것으로 기대되고 있다. 이와 더불어 최근 경제민주화의 개념이 등장하면서 중소벤처기업과 대기업이 균형 있는 공생발전을 이루어낼 수 있는 제도적, 문화적 장치에 대한 모색의 필요성이 한층 늘어나고 있다. 본 연구는 이런 두가지 큰 흐름을 전제로 창업초기 투자액의 건전한 회수과정에서 대기업이 대안이 될 수 있는지 검토하고, 이를 위해 필요한 정책변화를 모색한다.

• 무역상무연구
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• 제14권
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• pp.291-321
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• 2000

This study investigates the different pattern of trade negotiation between Korea and Japan. For the Korea, it is inevitable to enhance nation's competitiveness position amid the rapidly changed international environment. Especially, Korea's recent experience of IMF credit under economic crisis during 1997-1999 tells us the importance of international trade and trade negotiation. Our main interest is focused on the comparative pattern of both countries with the recognition that the role of the negotiation can not be overemphasized for the Korea. This is because Korea has continuously recorded the huge trade deficits with Japan for the long time. Although we consider the different degrees of products quality, industrial structure, productivity, and national competitiveness of both countries, it is necessarily required to pay special attention on different pattern of negotiation skills and tactics between two countries. In the paper, we suggest some important guidelines for Korea to improve its negotiation technique with Japan. First, valuing human relation between negotiators, rather than negotiating process. Second, preparing for negotiations: the negotiators should try to carve out enough time to prepare for the bargaining. Third, appreciating the power of patience: very essential to effective outputs. Fourth, being a specialist on both countries' culture and avoiding lawyers' intervention for conflict resolution.

• 무역상무연구
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• 제47권
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• pp.25-48
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• 2010

The principle of parties' autonomy is one of general and dominant principles in an international trade contract. When we consider the determinants of negotiation outcomes, the negotiation is affected its result by their culture and custom. A negotiation has extensively been used a lot as a business process. As we negotiate with our clients, we have to check a lot of factors like strategies, their behaviors, culture shock and custom. That why most people have their different life and circumstance. The same words which are used its contract have several meaning. Because the words are influenced by culture and own custom. Also most people abide by their social pattern. Each culture in the world follows its own customs and traditions. Therefore, when we have the negotiation of trade contract, we have to think these factors. Then the negotiation is leaded very successful This dissertation examines the effects of the negotiators' personality and different culture and custom. On the point of a negotiating power, contracting parties are affected a lot by their usage. The culture which is influenced by contracting parties is possible to apply as a key point. So, this study will be analyzed these factors.