• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.209-223
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• 2019

The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture in the National Museum of Korea had long sat unregistered in storage at the museum. However, a new accession number "bon9976" has recently been assigned to it. This sculpture was excavated from the neighborhood of Heungnyongsa Temple in Baekun-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province together with another Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9975) called "Iron Buddha from Pocheon." A comparison and examination of Gelatin Dry Plate and official documents from the Joseon Government-General Museum during the Japanese occupation period have revealed that these two Iron Buddha sculptures were transferred to the Museum of the Government-General of Korea on December 17, 1925. The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9976) has a height of 105 centimeters, width at the shoulders of 57 centimeters, and width at the knee of 77 centimeters. The Buddha is wearing a robe with rippling drapery folds and the right shoulder exposed. He is seated in the position called gilsangjwa(the seat of good fortune) in which the left foot is placed over the right thigh. The features of the Buddha's oval face are prominently sculpted. The voluminous cheeks, eye sockets in a large oval shape, slanted eyes, short nose, and plump lips can also be found in other ninth-century Iron Seated Buddha sculptures at Silsangsa Temple in Namwon, Jeollanam-do Province, Hancheonsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Samhwasa Temple in Donghae-si, Gangwon-do Province. Moreover, its crossed legs, robe exposing the right shoulder, and rippling drapery folds suggest that this sculpture might have been modeled after the main Buddha sculpture of the Seokguram Grotto from the eighth century. The identity of this Iron Seated Buddha can be determined using the Gelatin Dry Plate(M442-2, M442-7). In them, the Buddha has its right palm facing upwards and holds a medicine jar on its left palm. Until now, the Iron Seated Bhaiṣajyagura(Medicine) Buddha(bon1970) excavated from Wonju has been considered the sole example of an iron Medicine Buddha sculpture. However, this newly registered Iron Seated Buddha turns out to be a Medicine Buddha holding a medicine jar. Furthermore, it serves as valuable material since traces of gilding and lacquering clearly remain on its surface. This Iron Seated Buddha sculpture (bon9976) is presumed to have been produced around the ninth century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism by the Monk Doseon(827~898), a disciple of the Monk Hyecheol, to protect the temple and help the country overcome geographical shortcomings. According to the records stored at Naewonsa Temple(later Heungnyongsa Temple), Doseon selected three significant sites, including Baegunsan Mountain, built "protector" temples, created the Bhaisajyagura Buddha triad, and enshrined them at the temples. Moreover, the inscription on the stele on the restoration of Seonamsa Temple states that Doseon constructed temples and produced iron Buddha sculptures to help the country surmount certain geographical shortcomings. Heungnyongsa Temple is located in Dopyeong-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. This region appears to have been related to rituals directed to the Medicine Buddha since Yaksa Temple(literally, "the temple of medicine") was built here during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yaksa Temple site with its three-story stone pagoda and Yaksadong Valley still exist in Dopyeong-ri.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.407-434
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• 2018

This study took a look at the crossing the border into Liadong in the early Joseon Dynasty, which has nearly not been paid attention to in the history of the Buddhism in Korea, and the Chinese, Buddhist whereabouts of Monk Mangong and Jeokhyu, the periodical, Buddhist priests. Regarding the large-scale, Buddhist oppression measures of King Taejong in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty and King Sejong, the Buddhist circle did not not respond helplessly, but, rather, it had made the resistance on its own way. Especially, the Naonghyegeum of Jogyeseonjong and the disciple affiliates of Taegobowu had stood out. The disciples of Bowu had mainly hit the Sinmungo or had advocated the self-purification of Buddhism. And the disciple affiliates of Naong either had reorganized the Buddhist circle with Muhak in the center or had opposed the suppression. And, by receiving the help of the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty, they had intended to protect the Buddhist circle, or they, also, crossed the border into Liadong. Although, while attempting the crossing the border into another territory, they were arrested like the sea ships, like Mangong of King Taejong and Jeokhyu of King Sejong, they succeeded in crossing the border into another territory, and they left the clear whereabouts in the Chinese, Buddhist circle. Mangong was one Buddhist monk among the 11 Buddhist monks who crossed the border into Liadong during the King Taejong. After crossing the border, Mangong had moved again from Beijing on a sea route and had settled for after going into a mountain in the Zen sect at the Tienchieh temple in Nanjing. Meanwhile, he had been close to the Joseon Dynasty, and he relocated to Mount Taishan, where there had been the history, thereby rebuilding the Chikurin Temple and the Buchauchan temple and widely publicizing the Buddhism. During the time of King Sejong, by crossing the border into Liadong together with a total of 10 Monks, including the Buddhist monks Shinnae, Shinhyu, Shindam, Hyeseon, Hongjeok, Haebi, Shinyeon, Honghye, Shinwun, etc., under the protection by the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty in Beijing, Jeokhyu went through Shanhaiguan and had moved to the Tienchieh Temple in Nanjing. Although their whereabouts can not be known, on the Guji Mountain in Beijing, Jeokhyu founded the Banyaseonsa Temple nearby the Ryeongamseonsa Temple, where the clergy and the laity of the Goryeo Dynasty had resided and, especially, where Naong and the disciples of Muhak etc. had stayed. As such, the Buddhist monks in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty had either resisted the suppression by the country or crossed the border into another territory. Mangong and Jeokhyu of the times of King Taejong and King Sejong had led the Chinese, Buddhism circle, had rebuilt the Buddhist temples, and had contributed to the development of the Chinese Buddhism.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.33 no.6
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• pp.443-456
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• 2017

The Geumran-gasa (Kasaya) and Jangsam of the monk Samyeong are historical relics and were designated as object No.29, a Buddhist costume of the Joseon Dynasty, by the National Folklore Cultural Heritage, in 1973. In 1984, after being treated for the purposes of washing and preserving the shape of the garments, the object was kept in the Temple Museum of Pyochungsa, as their holding institution. However, regular inspection conducted by the Cultural Heritage Administration in 2013 determined the need for a re-treatment. The Geumran-gasa had been originally made with 25 strips, but it had been separated into two parts and many pieces were lost. A part of the collar in the Jangsam was lost as well. Therefore, both relics needed to be restored. The re-treatment process involved pre-investigation, washing, reinforcement fabric dyeing, restoration, and fumigation. In particular, we focused on reinforcing the damaged parts and restoring the missing parts by applying advanced materials and methods in order to restore the original form as much as possible. This conservation is the result of the re-treatment of the cultural properties by replacing the old material used in past treatments and applying advanced methods under the basic principle of reversibility in conservation treatment.

• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.299-310
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• 2016

The Stele for Buddhist Monk Wonjong at Godalsa Temple Site was destroyed a long time ago. Only the tortoise-shaped pedestal and the ornamental capstone in the form of a hornless dragon remain at the site and the broken stele body is stored at the National Museum of Korea today. The stele is made of two kinds of rocks that are coarse-grained biotite granite for the pedestal and the capstone, and fine-grained biotite granite including hornblende assemblages and feldspar phenocrysts for the stele body. The coarse-grained biotite granite of the pedestal and capstone showed same magnetic susceptibility and lithological characteristics with biotite granite outcrops in Yeoju area, whereas the fine-grained granite of the stele body did not. To find a provenance of the stele body stone, we investigated Korean granites in terms of magnetic susceptibility, lithology and old recordings about construction process of the stele. As a result, Haeju granite is the most likely to be a cognate rock of the stele body stone as it has same texture and lithological characteristics like color, hornblende assemblages, mineral composition and magnetic susceptibility. It is imported from Haeju (North Korea) to South Korea via China commercially, and the most suitable for a replica stone of the stele body.

• Conservation Science in Museum
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• v.24
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• pp.81-98
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• 2020

This paper presents the results of a comprehensive nondestructive analysis of Portrait of Master Gowun at Wunamyeongdang Shrine (Hereafter, Portrait of Choe Chiwon), Tangible Cultural Heritage No. 187 of Gyeongsangnam-do, including the underlying images drawn at the time of its production and the pigments present. The analysis revealed that the portrait was produced in 1793 at Ssanggyesa Temple in Hadong, Gyeongsangnam-do, which makes it the earliest known example among the extant portraits of Choe Chiwon. X-ray examination found images of a half-length boy monk and a full-length boy monk on either side of the portrait, which had been painted over and became invisible to the naked eye. XRF analysis of the pigments indicated that white lead was used for white, cinnabar and red lead for red, malachite for green, azurite for blue, and gold for gold. It was revealed that the overpainted boy monks were colored using the same pigments as those applied in the portrait of the main figure. It is hoped that the analysis of the pigments used for the boy monks can provide basic materials for research on the production of copied portraits and local Buddhist paintings. Also, additional research drawing upon other fields of study is required to examine the details of the inscription of the portrait.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.5-43
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• 2011

Before the Korean War, Korean mask dramas had been performed as parts of seasonal customs and had been passed down in connection with various seasonal events, such as village rites, tug of war, torch fighting, Jisinbabgi(stepping on evil spirits), Gilnori, and Sattonoreum. However, after the Korean War, the dramas were played independently regardless of those seasonal events; thus, they have lost their original functions and meanings. After the Korean War, the lion dance in the Bukcheong lion mask play included two lions (as opposed to one lion prior to the Korean War) and the Aeonesung and Sadang dances were added. The scene in which a lion eats a child changed to a lion eating a rabbit doll. Furthermore, whereas mask types used to be diverse, they are now standardized to one type of lion mask. In the Yangju Byulsandae-nori, eight monks and Waejangnye, Aesadang appeared in 'Aesadang Bubgonori', but now the Malddugi mask character is added. Current performances omit sexually suggestive scenes. In the pre-Korean War version of the old man and old woman act, the old man sang a song to the soul of the dead woman, but now a shaman appears and performs an exorcism. In the dialogues, vulgar and sexual statements have been shortened as many audience members are women and children. Regarding the appearance of the masks, the lotus leaf, the monk with Scabies, and sannim masks have been significantly changed. Bongsantalchum has also changed, especially in the old monk act. Previously, two Somu used to appear whereas now only one appears. The scene of the shoe seller's and the monkey's departure is also different. Furthermore, while the former masks once had big eye holes on each side of the nose, now the masks have smaller holes on the eyes.

• Journal of Sinology and China Studies
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• v.81
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• pp.85-112
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• 2019

Executioner Er Yi, writer A Lai's novel, was published in the Issue No. 1 in the magazine Flower City in 1997. The Dust Settles was finished in 1994 but was published in book form by People's Literature Publishing Company in 1998. The core point of Executioner Er Yi and The Dust Settles was who would be the next Tusi and who would grab the power. The common point that led the story was who the father Tusi would give his power to, first or second son. Accordingly, all three men, father and two sons, struggled for power in both works. In other words, around 'Tusi=Power', the power struggle among 'Gangtuo Tusi (father) and elder son and Pabasijia (second son)' and 'Maiqi Tusi (father) and Danzhengongbu (the first son) and the Fool(second son)' was the major events in the novels. Also, Monk Gongburenqin and Monk Wengboyisi disobeyed the authority of Tusi, who was an order-giver, and threatened to his power, so their tongues got cut. The headcutter(executioner) who obeyed his orders and was a slave, Er Yi (father) and Er Yi (his son) executed them.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.30
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• pp.153-166
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• 1996

The purpose of this paper is to examine the Ethnic Fashion which is influenced by the Anti-Fashion in 1960s. Anti-Fashion as Hippie style had an effect on high fashion in the 60s-70s and which was restored in the early 90s are ethnic and folk-lore style. The influence that the Anti-Fashion has had on the Ethnic Fashion is summarized as follows. At the Ethnic Fashion in 60s-70s: First Europian romantic style that is velvet doublet breecheese race cuffs ruffle flounce race jabbot embrioderd blouse frilled blouse Victorian mode and Pre-Raphaello style. Second handicraft ornaments style & peasant style what are embroidery weaving variaty ornaments tie-dye patch work smocking beads & bell paisely print peasant blouse dundle skirt long skirt to clinging layered look floral print dress and shepherd-ness style. Third folklore style that is Oriental mao-suit harem pants & Indian pants caftan monk robe Afgan vest burnoos dhoti pants Hindu robe Red Indian fringe head band feather ornaments Red indian embroidery & weaving body painting gaucho poncho and serapi. At the Ethnic Fashion in 90s.: First Europian classical romantic style that is Victorian style Pre-Raphaello style ruffle & race decorations and velvet materials. Second peasant look& handicraft orna-ments what are floral print long skirt to cling-ing uneven stitches top stitchings patch work embroidery crochet and tie-dye. Third folklore style that is Red Indian style South East mode is sarong skirt & Nheru jacket Tibet & Mongolian style South America style and gypso style.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50
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• pp.161-182
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• 2000

The results of this study were as follows: The quit has been used for warmth supporting materials protection religious uses decoration and giving stability of shapes. Quilt is developed from monk's robe of lags and the word 'nubi' is originated form 'nabeui' in both Korean and Japan. Korean quilt was used mainly for warmth: Japanese one was used for warmth and supporting materials. The techniques used for traditional Korean quit were parallel vertical hand stitches. On the other hand Japanese traditional quilt uses various motifs of sashiko which is similar to embroidery and named by region. Korean quilt can be divided into three types by the stitch intervals: Fin quit(Jan unbi) Medium quilt(Jung nubi) and Wide quilt(Demun nubi). Japanese quilt has been developed in east-north region and can be grouped into sashiko kogin and hishizashi by motifs of quit. Korean quilt costumes are stuffed with cotton between the outer fabrics and linings and stitched vertically on the fabrics Main fabrics used were silk and cotton. Japanese quilt costume uses cotton yarns for stitching on flax or cotton fabrics used were silk and cotton. fabrics and main uses of the quilot costumes were sorking clothes of working classes. Both Korean and Japanese quilt costumes contain of family's health happiness and longevity. In summary Korean quilts use two layers of fabrics and stuff them with cotton and stitch parallel vertical i\lines to provide warmth Japanese quilt are sashiko which is stitches of strand in various shapes using cotton yarns. differ by region and are made for warmth and supporting materials.