• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.57-67
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• 2017

Based on the study on place name, meaning analysis of buddhist temple Palgyeng, and classifications of instructions and characteristics of writings on rocks, the main results of the study showed the following. Cheongamsa is located in the upstream of Muheulgugok Valley which was run by Hangang Jeong Gu(寒岡 鄭逑), a typical young man in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty, and overlaps with chief monk Byukam Lee Dukjin's(1896~?) object of Cheongamsa Palgyeng during Japanese colonial era. Including the mountain embracing Cheongamsa called Bullyeong-san, various characteristics of writings on rocks such as use of combination of place names including Sudosan, Seonlyeongsan, and Sinseondae, as well as Cheongamsa Temple, Bullyeongdongchun(佛靈洞天), Namuabitabul, Hogye(虎溪), Yeosan Waterfall(廬山瀑布), and Sejinam(洗 塵巖) show co-existence of Confucianism and Taoism mixed together in the temple. Especially for Cheongamsa Valley Hogye and Samsocheon(三笑泉) which is in the precincts of the temple, are realized as the symbol of the scenery of the three religion consilience of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism through announcement using Hogyesamso(虎溪三笑) which originated from Yeosan Donglimsa, Jiangxi, China. Also, there are Yeosan Waterfall with a noble sense of place by negotiating with god, writing on rocks imprinted, and Yeosangyo(廬山橋) in Cheongamsa. As such, cultures of the three religion remain in various layers with the spirit of Hogyosamso symbolizing the consilience and coexistence of the three religion in Cheongamsa without the exclusiveness of Buddhism. Besides, the third precept of Yukhwagyeongbub, known to be practiced in Buddhist temples, which says "Do not only express self-assertion and ignore others" according to the dogma of working together in harmony, is in accordance with the spirits of Hogyesamso. As shown, Gimcheon Cheongamsa which is adorned with cultural landscapes of Hogyesamso, Gugokdongcheon(九曲洞天), and Palgyeng(八景), is not only good enough for the way of Buddhism and Confucianism but also for a place for the three religion consilience embracing the three religion.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.751-781
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• 2018

Task of circling the pagoda of Waljeongsa(Woljeongsa Tabdori) is the major intangible cultural heritage with representativeness and historical meaning as a Buddhism culture, one of the Buddhism folk plays, which was firstly played after the liberation. Woljeongsa Tabdori holds significant designation importance in terms of Buddhism folklore heritage with Korean unique tradition and identity of Gangwon-do province. Temples are demonstrating Tabdori nationwide but Woljeongsa Tabdori is the unique case that systematically inherits the culture based on the designation of being intangible cultural heritage. That is why it is needed to focus on the cultural and internal value of Woljeongsa Tabdori. Tabdori is the integrated symbol of Buddhism respect and worship to the Buddha and pagoda. It is hard to presume the originality of Woljeongsa Tabdori: given the history of Woljeonsa temple, it lies into Goguryeo traditional play and Bokhui(Pagoda circling folk play) in Silla era. It fits into the courtesy of Circumambulating Stupa considering Moon in Goguryo mural, background of Odaesan Hwaeom thought/tripitaka and essence of Octagonal 9-story stone pagoda. At the first stage of Tabdori, Buddhist musical instruments such as Buddhism temple bell, singing bowl, cloud-shaped gong and wooden-fish. However, later, Samhyeon Yukgak has been added and then, Boyeom and Bakpaljeongjinga were singing: it could be interpreted that it was a pure Buddhist ceremony but it has become to have traditional aspect and been spread to the public. The origin of Woljeongsa Tabdori is related to the explanation of Circumambulating Stupa that experiences the glory of the ending ceremony. When a temple has a rite, the Buddhists make an offering to the Buddha. At that time, Buddhist prayer, sermon and chant are followed. After the rite, the Buddhists are circling the pagoda with the monks while praying for Buddhist charity and making their own wishes. It prays not only going after death to Nirvana of the one but also national prosperity and the welfare of the people for peaceful reign. As the temple holds bigger rites, many Buddhists gather and the Tabdori was a success. The scene of circling the pagoda and making own wishes in line with the Buddhist sermon was solemn. The idea on changes and convergence of Woljeongsa Tabdori requires strategic inheritance to promote the transmission while maintaining the paragon and purpose of designating the cultural heritage and reviving its identity. Korean Tabdori was held in Buddha's birthday in April and the mid-autumn day. Tabdori is a memorial service type Buddhist ceremony that once the monk holds the Buddhist rosary, circles the pagoda and sings the great mind and charity of the Buddha, Buddhists follow the step, lighting the lantern, circling the pagoda and praying for the gentle and easy death. Transmission education of the successor, diversified approach of the expert's advice and discourse on the revival of the origin should be reinforced in phases.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.116-133
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• 2014

The memorial stones of Sumanotap were known to have been sequentially produced in 1719, 1773, 1874, 1653, 1874. However, after examining the chronological era (年號) and sexagesimal cycle (干支), it was found that the second and fourth memorial stones were both recorded in 1713. The reason why the records of the same period were divided into two is assumed that since the subject to repair was divided into main structure and flagpole of the temple, and it was recorded per each monk in charge and donator. On the fifth tablet of the memorial stone of Sumanotap contains all the names of monks who were in charge of repairing Sumanotap as well as the names of common donators. These people are not verified in detail though, through comparing the Buddhist names on the third memorial stone with Buddhist paintings and painting records, 12 monks were identified to be in the same names. Generally, they were active in Gangwon province, Gyeongsang province, Seoul and Gyeonggi province in the late 19th century and even after the Sumanotap repair, they took up other duties of various temples. The most notable name among the donators recorded in the memorial stones of Sumanotap was Kim Jwageun. He was the donator for the chest of gold and silver that was enshrined in the pagoda in 1874. His name was recorded with Mrs. Yang from Cheongsin and, at that time, was known just as a donator. However, actually, the donator was not Kim Jwageun but his mistress Mrs. Yang who used to be a gisaeng, called Na-hap and was from Naju. Kim Jwageun deceased in 1869 already. It is exceptional that Mrs. Yang who were the mistress of the prime minister Kim Jwageun personally participated in the Buddhist event in which king, queen, mothers of king and queen, noblewoman participated. Besides, the event of Sumanotap repair was carried out by royal family in order to celebrate the hundredth day of the prince, Sunjong and his grandfather, Heungseon Daewongun did not participate for political reason. In this situation, the domination of Mrs. Yang is considered remarkable. Meanwhile, the temples that frequently appeared among the 10 temples recorded in the memorial stone of Sumanotap are Gakhwa-sa temple in Bonghwa-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do and Bodeok-sa temple in Yeongwolgun, Gangwon-do. Gakhwa-sa temple was a temple where the historical achievements were kept so was under the government's control. Bodeok-sa temple was the buddhist temple praying for the soul of the Danjong buried in the tomb and was managed by the government. Therefore, the face these two temples participated in the Sumanotap repair proves that Sumanotap was repaired by the supports form these two temples and the stature of Sumanotap at that time was as high as the temples where the historical achievements are store or the royal buddhist temples for praying for ancestors' souls.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.78-117
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• 2017

Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.54-71
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• 2012

This paper investigates Buddhist sculptures of the Gulsan-sa School of Seon Buddhism, which was established by the priest Beomil(梵日) at Myeongju(溟州), present-day Gangneung(江陵) area, and prospered until the late Goryeo period. There are very few surviving Buddhist images at Gulsan2 temple-site showing the Buddhist art when Beomil or his disciples, Gaecheong(開淸) and Haengjeok(行寂), were active, except a set of huge stone pillars for temple-banners and a stone monk stupa. It is therefore necessary to focus on pieces of artworks in Gangneung and nearby areas to explore the characteristics of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa from the late Silla to early Goryeo period. For example, the stone relief seated Buddha image, one of Four Buddhas of Four Directions, and a stone relief of standing Guardian King both from the stone pagoda at Mujin temple-site(無盡寺址) can be compared with stupa reliefs at the capital Gyeongju area in their high quality of carving. The stone octagonal base showing seven lions on each of seven sides at Boheon-sa(普賢寺) demonstrates that it was made as a part of an octagonal lotus pedestal for a Vairocana Buddha now lost. Since Boheon-sa was erected by Gaechung, a disciple of Beomil as a branch of Gulsan-sa, it is fair to assume that the Vairocana image at Boheon-sa might have been closely related to the Buddhist images at Gulsan-sa in its style and iconography. The stone seated Bodhisattva from Hansong temple-site(寒松寺址) displays a benign face, exquisite necklace, and exotic iconography in its hand gesture and high cylindrical crown. The stone seated Buddha at Cheonghak-sa(靑鶴寺), brought from a temple-site where fragments of roof-tiles with the inscription of Heukam-sa(黑岩寺) were discovered, displays the late Silla and early Goryeo period. Heukam-sa seems to have been related to Gulsan-sa or have been one of the branches of Gulsan-sa. Extant fragments of artworks at Myeongju implicate the high quality of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa in its iconography and style as well as unique features of Gulsan-sa Seon School.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.126-147
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• 2018

The compositions and iconographies of the three Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations produced in the early Joseon Dynasty effectively manifest the transitional period of Joseon society as well as the Joseon people's perception of the Pure Land. In particular, the painting at titled Chionji (知恩寺) dated 1435 and another painting at titled Chion' in (知恩院) from 1465, which were commissioned by the Joseon royal family and high-ranking monk, embody the Pure Land faith of the Tiantai School of Buddhism (天台宗) which thrived during the late Goryeo period. This indicates that the Joseon royal court continued to favor the Pure Land faith that emphasized salvation through "self-power" (自力), which was popular among both the royal family and the nobility of Goryeo. On the other hand, in the painting at titled $H{\bar{o}}rinji$ (法輪寺), which is presumed to have been made in the sixteenth century, the compositions and iconographies shown in late Goryeo examples of the Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations are disassembled. Moreover, a new iconographical motif, i.e. "welcoming the dragon boat" (龍船接引), emerged with this painting. This motif symbolizes the idea that the souls of the deceased are guided by Amitabha Buddha to rebirth in the Pure Land of Extreme Bliss, which is based on the "other-power" of the Pure Land faith that emphasizes the power of Amitabha Buddha in attaining salvation rather than the educational "self-power" of the Pure Land faith. The emergence of this motif demonstrates the transformation of the Pure Land belief into a faith that relied on the "other-power" of Amitabha in Joseon's Confucian society.

• Journal of the Korean Applied Science and Technology
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.1-12
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• 2019

After making tea by steaming the Artichoke(Hellanthus tuberosus) nine times and drying them nine times, the ingredients and functions of the Artichoke tea were compared to those of M. It had 342.27kcal/100g in its own deloped Artichoke tea, 73.87g/100g of carbohydrates, 6.80g/100g of crude ash and 8.21g/100g of crude protein. The total of free sugars were 32.66mg/100, among them, fructose 17.40, sucrose 9.03 and glucose 6.05 mg/100g. The total mineral contents of the developed tea was 2,785.67mg/100g. It was 2,563.93mg/100g of potassium, 97.52mg/100g of calcium and 88.78mg/100g of magnesium. The saturated fat of Artichoke tea was 30.34mg/100g and unsaturated fat was 69.66mg/100g, among which the linoleic acid was 47.0mg/100%, palmitic acid was 25.31mg/100% and linolenic acid was 8.61mg/100g. DPPH radical scavenging was 34.2% of teas that were developed, 5.2% of M's for comparison, and 44.0% of index materials. ABTS radical scavenging was 93.0% of teas developed, 61.9% of M's tea and 47.6% of index materials, and SOD like activity was 2.7% of teas developed and 1.6% of M's tea. The flavonoid content was 2.8 fold of the tea developed, 2.0 fold of M's tea and 1.7 fold of index material. The polyphenol content was 38.2 fold, 8.92 fold of M's tea and 14.0 fold of index material. The inhibition rate for ${\alpha}$-glucosidase was 9.83% teas developed and 8.92% of M's. The sensory evaluation compares to the one time extract and the five time extract. Based on the one-time extract, color of tea developed was 83.7%, the M's tea was 50.0%, the flavor was 78%, M's tea was 42.5%, the delicate taste was 66.7% of teas developed and M's tea was 37.5% and the overall acceptability was 73.3% of teas developed, M's tea was 47.5%. The comparison of M's tea showed that the extract decreased as we made it, and the overall symbol level decreased to 46.3% after five time-extyracts, while that of the developed tea decreased to 73.3%. The Artichoke tea developed this way is believed to have greater antioxidant function, higher effective substance content, and a higher affinity than M's tea an index material for comparison purposes.

• Journal of the Korean Applied Science and Technology
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.23-33
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• 2019

After making tea by steaming the Burdock(Arctium lappa) nine times and drying it nine times, the ingredients and functions of the Burdock tea were compared to those of M company. The tea's calories were 346.48kcal/100g, carbohydrates were 72.75g/100g, crude protein was 11.98g/100g, and crude ash was 5.01g/100g. The total of free sugars were 31.93mg/100, among them, fructose was 26.27, sucrose was 1.27 mg/100g. The inorganic material contents were 1,476.21mg/100g of potassium, 255.96 mg/100g of calcium and 311.41 mg/100g of magnesium. The saturated fatty acids were 40.73mg/100g and the unsaturated fatty acids were 59.27mg/100g, among which the linoleic acid was 41.28mg/100g, the palmitic acid was 33.11mg/100g, the oleic acid was 10.07mg/100g and linolenic acid was 7.92mg/100g. DPPH radical scavenging was 33.9% of teas that were developed, 2.3% of M's tea for comparison, and 37.2% of indiex material. ABTS radical scavenging were 90.7% of teas developed, 85.9% of M's tea and 37.2% of index materials, and SOD like activities were 11.3% of teas developed and 50.5% of M's teas. The flavonoid content was 2.6 fold of the tea developed, 2.9 fold of M's tea and 1.7 fold of index material. The polyphenol content was 33.8 fold of teas developed, 38.9 fold of the M's tea and 13.8 fold of the index material. The sensory evaluation compare to the one-time extract and the five-time extract. Based on the one-time extract, the color were 65.9 % of the five-time extract tea were developed, 12.8 % of the M's tea. Flavour were 78.0% of the tea developed and 33.3% of the M's tea, tastes were 71.4% of the tea developed, 20.7% of the M's tea. The cart for comparison showed that while the extract decreased as we developed it, the overall symbolism decreased to 21.4% after five time extracts, the developed tea decreased to 72.1%. We believe that the developed tea will have a greater effect on preventing and improving diseases as it has a stronger antioxidant function, more effective substances, and a higher level of symbolism than the comparative M squared tea and surface substance.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.593-622
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to investigate the characteristics of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism and to examine the characteristics of Intermixture of Three Religions in Journey to the West. This novel, which has the structure of satire, hope, and surrogate satisfaction while being the center of satire and humor, is a refuge for the people. Even today, it can be said, however, that for the people, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism was not a distinctly separate system of religions. Journey to the West story is about the liberation of Buddhism that is obtained through Taoism training. In the celestial world, not all gods are perfect, and often make mistakes. In such a story, the mistakes of beings living as human beings are simply insignificant. What is not different from the structure of life in this world is still a world of nature. The world is rife with absurdities, both on earth and in heaven. The characteristics of Intermixture of Three Religions can be summarized in several ways. First, the Trip of Samjang is not just to gain the enlightenment of illegal but rather to seek a greater sense of meaning. Second, the means to gain enlightenment is that it does not claim that one is right or good. Third, mercy, goodwill, and respect for life for oppressed and exploited peoples are common to all religions. Fourth, this story suggests that everything from the beginning is already a matter of mind. Fifth, all of the logic of Three Religions in this novel can be said to be "preliminary." Human life implies that it is going on a planned path, perhaps as a fate. But the important thing is, as in all religions, even if the road is a planned one, Journey to the West is strongly and persuasively speaking that it is the way of life as well as the attitude of living silently in carrying out its duties.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.331-358
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• 2020

This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.