• 대한한의학원전학회지
• /
• 제20권4호
• /
• pp.211-250
• /
• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
• /
• 제10권
• /
• pp.1-40
• /
• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• Journal of the Korean Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
• /
• 제10권1호
• /
• pp.64-75
• /
• 1999

본 연구에서는 전반적 발달장애 pervasive developmental disorder(이하 PDD)의 공존질환과 동반증상의 현황을 파악하고자 전반적 발달장애 아동에서의 동반증상과 공존질환의 빈도 및 특성을 알아보고 발달성 언어장애 developmental language disorder(이하 DLD)와의 차이를 비교해 보았다. 연구대상은 1996년 1월부터 1999년 3월까지 국립서울정신병원 소아정신과 외래에서 통원치료를 받았거나 발달장애 주간치료프로그램에 참가했던, DSM-IV를 기준으로 소아정신과 전문의에 의해 진단된, 만 1세에서 11세 아동 352명 이었으며 이중 PDD는 209명(남179, 여30), DLD는 143명(남119, 여24)이었다. 진단적 평가에는 병록지, 언어평가, 작업평가, 가정방문보고서, 부모양육보고서, SMS, CARS, PEP 결과 등을 참조하였다. 진단군에 따른 각각에서의 공존질환과 동반증상의 빈도와 특징을 비교분석하였고, PDD아동 64명을 CARS에 따라 3군으로 나누어 동반증상의 양상을 비교하였으며, 106명을 대상으로 각 동반증상과 교육진단검사 소항목과의 관계를 검증하였다. 연구결과 PDD와 DLD 양군에서 공존질환의 비율은 각각 19.6%, 41.2%이었고, 동반증상 13개 항목의 평균 동반비율은 31.47%, 22.13%이었다. 비정상적 집착, 강박증, 자해행동, 상동증, 수면문제, 기묘한 반응 등은 PDD에서 유의하게 높은 빈도를 보였다. 동반비율에서 PDD에서는 비정상적 집착, 상동증, 주의집중 부족, 부적절한 정서 등의 순서를 보인 반면, DLD에서는 주의집중 부족, 공격성, 부적절한 정서, 행동과다, 비정상적 집착 등의 순서를 보였다. 각 동반증상의 유무에 따른 교육진단검사 소항목 들의 양상을 분석해본 결과, 전체군에서는 비정상적 집착, 자기자극행동, 상동증, 부적절한 정서, 수면문제, 기묘한 반응 등의 유무에 따라 유의한 차이를 보였고, 진단별에 따라서는 두 군 모두 차이를 나타낸 항목이 없었다. 한편 CARS에 따라 유의한 차이를 보인 동반증상은 상동증, 불안, 수면문제 등이었다. 이와 같은 결과는 전반적 발달장애에서의 공존질환 및 동반증상의 임상적 중요성을 나타내며, 추후 공존질환과 동반증상의 빈도 및 특성에 따라 세부적인 진단과 이에 따른 현실적인 치료적 접근이 필요함을 시사한다.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
• /
• 제21권1호
• /
• pp.23-32
• /
• 2018

목적: 미국 병원에서 만성폐색성폐질환으로 사망하는 환자의 연명치료 및 완화의료에 대한 연구는 부족한 현실이다. 이 연구에서는 병원의 의료비 추세 및 완화의료 이용 및 연명치료 이용과의 관련성을 파악하고자 하였다. 방법: 이 연구는 2005~2014년 미국 입원환자 샘플(National Inpatient Sample, NIS)을 후향적 코호트 디자인으로 전환하였으며, ICD-9-CM (International Classification of Diseases, 9th revision) 코드를 활용하여 완화의료 및 집중치료(전신지지치료, 호흡기치료, 호흡기 수술)를 받은 환자를 구분하였다. 결과: 연평균성장률(Compound Annual Growth Rates, CAGR)을 활용하여 병원 의료비의 시계열변화를 확인하였으며, 다수준 다변량 회귀분석을 통해 병원의 의료비에 영향을 미치는 요소를 파악하였다. 전체 77,394,755 입원 건 중 79,314명의 환자가 최종 분석에 사용되었다. 병원 의료비는 연평균성장률이 5.83% (P<0.001)였으며, 전신지지치료와 완화의료의 연평균성장률은 각각 5.98%와 19.89% 였다(모두, P<0.001). 전신지지치료, 호흡기 치료, 호흡기 수술은 각각 59.04%, 72.00%, 55.26%의 병원 의료비 상승에 영향을(모두, P<0.001) 주었던 반면 완화의료는 28.71%의 병원 의료비 감소에 영향을 주었다(P<0.001). 결론: 미국에서 만성폐색성폐질환으로 사망하는 환자 중 전신지지 치료는 병원 의료비 상승의 주된 원인인 반면 완화의료 이용은 비용절감에 영향이 있는 것으로 파악되었다.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
• /
• 제45권5호
• /
• pp.575-587
• /
• 2002

목 적 : 모유수유를 위한 상담과 교육이 언제 이루어지는 것이 좋은지 알기 위하여 임신시 모유수유에 관한 인식을 조사하였다. 방 법: 2000년 7월부터 8월까지의 기간동안 서울과 근교도시(일산, 안산), 충주와 청주, 부산지역의 12개 병 의원의 산부인과에서 산전진찰을 받기 위해 내원한 임신부를 대상으로 본 위원회에서 개발한 설문지를 작성하도록 하였으며 설문요원이 설문기입을 확인하고 회수한 총 1,481매에서 기록이 충실한 1,290 명의 설문을 분석하였다. 결 과 : 1) 임신부의 87.4%가 모유수유를 계획하였으며 분유 6.2%, 혼합수유 4.5%, 결정 못함 1.9%로 임신시 수유계획으로 모유가 가장 많았다. 임신부의 43.0%에서 4-6개월간 수유하려고 계획하였다. 2) 모유수유를 선택한 이유는 모유가 아기에게 좋다고 생각되어서 97.7%로 가장 많았으며 주위에서 권하여 0.9%이었다. 모유수유를 선택하지 않은 이유는 직장 또는 일 41.3%, 모유수유실패경험 17.4%, 모유가 부족할 것 같아서 10.9%, 함몰유두 등 유방의 문제 10.3%, 엄마의 질병 9.4% 등이다. 3) 모유수유에 관한 정보원은 친정어머니 또는 시어머니 33.1%, 육아 출산 전문 잡지와 책 27.1%, 형제 자매 친구 등 18.6%, 신문 텔레비전 라디오 등 대중매체 18.2% 순이었다. 모유수유의 정보원에 따른 모유수유 계획률의 유의한 차이는 없었다(P>0.05). 4) 모유수유에 대한 인식은 100점으로 환산하여 평균 59.7점으로 매우 낮았다. 장점에 대한 7항목의 정답률은 62.0-97.1%, 평균 86.1점이었다. 반면 수유의 실제적인 방법에 대한 13항목은 정답률 17.4-76.2%, 평균 45.3점이었다. 모유수유 계획률은 모유의 장점과 수유방법에 대한 인식의 중앙값 6점 이상인 군에서 유의하게 높았다(P<0.05). 가장 낮은 정답률은 '물젖이라도 계속 수유하는 것이 좋다' 17.4%이었다. 5) 산후조리 도우미로는 친정 식구가 52.3%로 가장 많았고, 산후조리원 22.4%, 시집 식구 10.6% 순이었다. 모유수유 계획률은 유의한 차이가 없었다(P>0.05). 6) 다변량 로지스틱 회귀분석에서 임신부의 취업여부, 모유수유력, 수유법 결정시기와 결정한 사람, 모유 수유의 장점에 대한 인식 등이 모유수유 계획의 중요한 결정인자이었다. 결 론 : 임신부의 대부분이 모유수유를 계획하고 있었으나 수유기간이 4-6개월로 짧았으며 모유의 장점은 충분히 인식하고 있었으나 수유의 방법에 대하여는 올바로 이해하고 있지 못하였다. 모유수유율을 높이기 위하여 국가 정책적으로 모자동실, 출산 휴가 연장, 직장에서의 수유 등 모성복지를 위한 개선책이 필요하며 소아과 의사는 육아 상담시 모유수유로 어려움을 겪고 있는 어머니를 올바르게 이끌고 격려하여야 한다.

• 대한감각통합치료학회지
• /
• 제17권3호
• /
• pp.26-45
• /
• 2019

목적 : 본 연구의 목적은 작업치료사가 감각통합 중재를 실행하는데 필요한 역량을 기반으로 중재 과정 교육 커리큘럼 개발하고, 중재과정 실시 및 교육만족도 확인을 통하여 대한감각통합치료학회의 역량기반 중재 교육과정을 제시하는데 있다. 연구방법 : 본 연구는 대한감각통합치료학회의 2019년 중재과정에 참여한 작업치료사 9명과 강사 3명을 대상으로 하였다. 중재과정의 교육목표 설정은 참여자 설문조사 방법을 통하여 교육요구 분석방법을 사용하였다. 중재과정의 역량기반 교육 프로그램 초안 및 교육 방법은 강사회의를 통하여 결정하였다. 중재교육과정은 실행계획에 따라 5일간 실시하였으며, 교육 만족도와 각 역량지표에 대한 중재과정 전후의 수행도 변화를 조사하였다. 결과 : 교육목표는 교육요구 분석 결과를 반영하여 '감각통합중재의 임상추론 과정을 학습 하고 적용한다'와 '감각통합중재 원칙을 적용하여 중재한다'로 하였다. 역량기반 중재과정 교육커리큘럼은 교육목표에 따라 Data driven decision making process 및 Ayres Sensory Integration에 관한 강의, 워크샵, 토의, 그리고 사례 중재 등으로 구성하여 총 42시간 교육을 실시하였다. 중재과정 참여자의 교육 만족도는 평균 4.48±0.73이었고, 수퍼바이저의 교육 만족도는 평균 3.92±0.71이었다. 두 집단 모두에서 Data driven decision making process 강의와 중재 목표 수립 강의의 만족도가 가장 높았고, 그룹 활동 및 토의에 대한 만족도가 가장 낮았다. 중재과정 전후, 역량모델의 전문가 역량군에 포함된 분석기술 역량의 두 가지 행동지표가 수행도에서 유의미한 변화를 보였다. 결론 : 본 연구는 교육 개발에 필요한 체계적 과정을 거쳐 교육요구 조사, 교육 커리큘럼 개발과 실시, 교육 만족도 조사를 실행하였다는 점에서 의의가 있다. 대한감각통합치료학회 내의 다른 교육커리큘럼 개발 시 기초자료로 사용될 수 있을 것으로 생각된다.

• 의료법학
• /
• 제16권2호
• /
• pp.263-291
• /
• 2015

2015년 5월 중동 사우디아라비아와 아랍에미레이트를 다녀온 68세의 남자가 고열, 근육통, 기침 호흡곤란으로 자택부근 2개 병원)과 삼성서울병원(SMC) 응급실을 거치면서 시작된 메르스(MERS)라는 전염병은 거의 3개월에 걸쳐 최근까지 대한민국을 유행성 전염병의 공포로 몰아넣었다. 특히 이 전염병은 중동지역 아라비아 반도를 중심으로 2012년 9월부터 현재까지 총 26개국에서 1,392명에게 발생하여, 538명의 사망환자가 보고(유럽질병센터, 2015.7.21. 기준)되었고, 우리나라의 경우에도 총 확진자 186명, 사망자 36명(치사율 19.4%) 격리자 16,693명이라는 기록을 남기고 점차 우리의 뇌리에서 사라져가고 있다. 이 전염병의 파급으로 인하여 현 정부의 전염병 관리체계에 대한 많은 비판과 문제점을 제기하는 계기가 되었다. 특히 병원내 감염문제, 민간의료기관-지역 보건소-질병관리본부를 연결하는 감염병 관리전달체계의 미작동, 정부의 전염병과 관련된 정보 공개 거부, 냉난방 공조설비의 환기 등과 관련된 시설문제, 감염병 격리병상의 절대부족 문제, 지역보건소의 기능 및 권한의 제한문제, 격리자 및 의료기관에 대한 보상문제, 제도적으로는 감염병에 대한 건강보험 수가 개선문제, 법정감염병 재분류 문제, 질병관리본부의 역할 재정립 문제, 전염병 관련 전문인력 양성을 위한 제도적 보완문제, 병원 이용문화의 개선으로서 다인실 조정과 간병인 대체문제, 사회적 후유증을 치유하기 위한 정책적 배려문제 등이 있으며, 이에 대한 광범위한 논의와 해결방안이 필요한 때이다. 국민들은 2015년 5월 이전에는 아주 낯설었던 메르스라는 외부유입 전염병에 국가 방역체계가 흔들리는 모습을 보고 극도의 공포감을 느꼈으며, 외국에서는 중동지방을 제외하고는 전세계적으로 유례가 없는 메르스라는 전염병이 대유행하는 대한민국에 발길을 끊었다. 국민의 건강권이 심각하게 위협받았음은 물론이고 관광산업과 유통업계 등의 경제도 얼어붙었다. 정부는 메르스라는 전염병 확산의 초기대응 실패를 인정하고, 사태를 악화시킨 점에 대한 책임을 통감하여야 한다. 국민들에 대한 신뢰상실을 반성하고 향후 각종 필요한 정보를 공개함으로써, 메르스와 같은 전염병에 대한 정부정책을 투명하게 집행하고, 지방자치단체와 국민들이 지역사회 감염에 대처하고 확산방지에 나설 수 있도록 제도를 개선하며, 변경된 제도를 홍보하여 전염병 전파 예방에 노력해야 할 것이다.

• 대순사상논총
• /
• 제43집
• /
• pp.67-102
• /
• 2022

이 연구의 목적은 대순진리회 해원상생에 내포된 인권 요소를 중심으로 북한헌법의 자체적 인권과 북한 주민의 인권 실상에 대해 고찰하는 것이다. 해원상생은 선천의 상극적 자연법에 지배된 인간의 원한을 해소하고 인간 서로서로 잘되게 해주는 의미를 가진 새로운 자연법이다. 해원상생의 자연법에는 인간 존엄의 가치인 생명권, 자유의사에 따라 결정하고 말하며 행동할 수 있는 자유권(신체의 자유, 양심의 자유, 종교의 자유, 언론의 자유, 출판의 자유), 사회적 환경에서 평등한 대우를 받을 권리인 평등권, 치료를 통해 최고 수준의 건강을 확보할 권리인 건강권이 내포되어 있다. 북한헌법에는 헌법의 근본원리인 천부적 인권을 보장하기 위한 제도적 장치로서의 성격이 없고, 독재자와 독재체제를 옹호하고 주체사상을 완성하기 위한 혁명 전사의 권리를 규정하고 있다. 생명권은 사회정치적 생명론에 따라 개인의 생명이 집단의 생명에 귀속되도록 명시되어 있다. 자유권은 집단주의 원칙에 따라 개인의 이익보다 집단의 이익을 더 우선시하도록 명시되어 있다. 평등권과 건강권은 계급적 차별을 명시하여 차별적 대우를 정당화시켰다. 북한 주민의 생명권은 북한형법과 형법부칙의 사형제도로 인해 보장받지 못하고 있다. 북한 정권은 공개처형을 통해 북한 주민이 인간으로서 존엄하게 죽을 수 있는 권리까지 박탈하고 있다. 북한 정권은 노동당의 지시로 적법절차가 이루어지게 하고, 종교를 미신 또는 아편으로 인식하며, 노동당이 언론과 출판물을 감시하게 하여 신체·종교·언론·출판의 자유를 보장하지 않는다. 북한 주민은 신분에 따라 분류되고, 가부장적 질서에 따라 전근대적 생활방식을 강요받으며, 평등권을 보장받지 못하고 있다. 또한 의료분야 가용성·접근성의 양극화와 무상치료제의 붕괴로 건강권을 보장받지 못하고 있다.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
• /
• 제6권1호
• /
• pp.51-63
• /
• 1973

고도난청아(高度難聽兒)에 대(對)한 잔존청력(殘存聽力)을 조사(調査)하기 위(爲)하여 1973년(年) 3월(月) 10일(日)부터 동년(同年) 11월(月) 28일(日)까지 한사대(韓社大) 부속(附屬) 농학교(聾學校) 재학생(在學生) 207명(名)(초등(初等) 138명(名), 중등(中等) 47명(名), 고등(高等) 22명(名)), 즉(卽) 남(男) 135명(名), 여(女) 72명(名)을 대상(對象)으로 문진(問診)을 통(通)한 사회의학적(社會醫學的) 배경조사(背景調査)와 특수교육연구소(特殊敎育硏究所) 방음실(防音室)에서 AS-105형(型) 진단용(診斷用) TRIO 청력측정기(聽力測定器)에 의(依)한 청력검사결과(聽力檢査結果), 다음과 같은 성적(成績)을 얻었으므로 이에 보고(報告)하는 바이다. (1) 의무교육(義務敎育)은 초등교육(初等敎育)의 취학률(就學率)도 정상아(正常兒)에 있어서와 달리 난청출현율(難聽出現率)에 비례(比例)하여 고도난청아(高度難聽兒)에 있어서는 여자(女子)쪽이 현저(顯著)히 낮은 경향(傾向)이었고, 상분학교(上粉學校)(중(中),고(高))에 진학(進學)할수록 더욱 심(甚)한 격차(隔差)를 보였다. (2) 적령기(適齡期)(초등(初等) 만(滿) 6세(歲), 중등(中等) 12세(歲), 고등(高等) 15세(歲))에 입학(入學)한 학생(學生)은 11.3%, 학령기(學齡期)(초(初) 6세(歲)${\sim}11$세(歲), 중(中)12(세)歲${\sim}14$(세)歲, 고(高)15세(歲)${\sim}17$세(歲))에 재학(在學)하고 있는 학생(學生)은 45.9% (남(男) 43.7%, 여(女) 50%)이였다. 이러한 현상(現象)은 현장교육(現場敎育)이 기대(期待)에 부응(副應)치 못하며 장해아동(障害兒童)을 기피(忌避)하고 임상적(臨床的)으로만 청력(聽力)을 개선(改善)할려는 부모(父母)의 학력(學歷), 직업(職業)(농업(農業)과 판매업(販賣業)이 50.8%)및 심리적(心理的)인 현상(現象)과 대부분(大部分)의 이비과병원(耳鼻科病院)에 잔존청력(殘存聽力)을 정확(正確)히 판단(判斷)할 수 있는 유아청력검사(幼兒聽力檢査) 시설(施設)이 없으므로 조기발견(早期發見)과 대책(對策)을 강구(講究)치 않는데 기인(基因)된다고 사료(思料)된다. (3) 실청(失聽)이 될수 있었던 원인(原因)은 대개(大槪) 선천성(先天性) 23.6%(유전성(遺傳性) 13.5%, 임신시이상(姙娠時異常) 10.1%), 후천성(後天性)47.9%(경련(痙攣) 11.6%, 홍역(紅疫) 7.7%, 열병(熱病) 7.7%) 약물중독(藥物中毒) 3.4%, 뇌막염(腦膜炎) 2.4%, 뇌염(腦炎) 1.5%, 기타(其他) 31.3%), 불명(不明) 28.5%인 경향(傾向)이었다. (4) 실청시기(失聽時期)는 6개월(個月) 이내(以內)가 31.4%(선천성(先天性) 24.2%), 생후(生後) $2{\sim}3$년(年) 14.0%, $6{\sim}12$개월(個月) 11.6%, $1{\sim}2$년(年) 9.7% 순(順)으로 생후(生後) 3년내(年內) 실청(失聽)된 학생(學生)이 약(約) 90%(138명(명))로 대부분(大部分)이었다. (5) 난청원인(難聽原因)에 따른 청력손실도(聽力損失度)와 실청시기(失聽時期)와는 일정관계(一定關係)를 발견(發見)할수 없었으며 난청종류별(難聽種類別)로는 전음성(傳音性)이 2명(名), 혼합성(混合性)이 8명(名)이고 감음성(感音性)이 97.5%(197명(名))로서 대부분(大部分)이었다. (6) 500 Hz. 중심(中心)$(B=\frac{a+2b+c}{4})$의 평균(平均) 청력손실도(聽力損失度)에 따른 잔청실태(殘聽實態)는 정상청력자(正常聽力者) 2명(名)(자폐증(自閉症) 1명(名), 고도(高度)의 언어장해아(言語障害兒) 1명(名)), $41{\sim}55\;dB$의 잔청(殘聽)을 가진 학생(學生)이 4.8%(10명). $56{\sim}70\;dB$가 19.3%(40명(名)), $71{\sim}90\;dB$가 18.4%(38명(名)), scale out(91 dB 이상)가 단지 23.3%(48명(名))였고, 검사불능(檢査不能)이 33.3%(69명(名))였는데 대부분(大部分)이 초등(初等) $1{\sim}2$년생(年生)과의 정신박약(精神薄弱)을 겸한 중복장해아(重複障害兒)도 다소(多小)있다. 따라서 75 dB 이상(以上)의 많은 잔청(殘聽)을 가진 학생(學生)이 약(約) 30%(62명(名))나 되므로, 조기발견(早期發見)과 보청기착용(補聽器着用)에 의(依)한 적당(適當)한 훈련(訓練)을 실시(實施)하였다면 정상아(正常兒)와 유사(類似)하게 일반학교(一般學校)에서 재학(在學)이 가능(可能)한 상당수(相當數)의 학생(學生)이 학교(學校), 사회(社會), 부모(父母)의 잘못으로 인하여 농(聾)이 아닌 상당수(相當數)의 학생(學生)을 청능(聽能)의 개발(開發)과 개선(改善)을 시켜주지 못하여 수화(手話)에 의존(依存)하는 농학생(壟學生)으로 만들었다고 생각하지 않을 수 없다. (7) 보청기장용자(補聽器裝用者)는 12%(207명중(名中) 26명(名))에 불과(不過)했으며 이를 잔청별(殘聽別)로 보면 $41{\sim}55\;dB$의 잔청(殘聽)을 가진 학생(學生)은 60%(10명중(名中) 9명(名)), $56{\sim}70\;dB$ 학생(學生)은 20%(40명중(名中) 8명(名)), $71{\sim}90\;dB$ 학생(學生)은 13%(38명중(名中) 5명(名)). scale out는10%(48명중(名中) 5명(名)), 검사불능자(檢査不能者)는 3%(69명중(名中) 2명(名))로 보청효과(補聽　果)를 즉시(卽時) 인식(認識)할수 있는 잔청(殘聽)을 가진 자(者)는 비교적(比較的)으로 많은 학생(學生)이 장용(裝用)하고 있으나, 단시일(短時日)에 보청효과(補聽效果)를 기대(期待)키 어려운 잔청(殘聽)이 적은 학생(學生)은 장용(裝用)치 않고 있는 경향(傾向)이었다. 이 현상(現象)은 대부분(大部分)의 학생(學生)이 음(音)에 대(對)한 경청태도(傾聽態度)마저되어 있지 않아 교사(敎師)와 가정(家庭)의 보청기(補聽器)에 대(對)한 이해(理解)와 Acoustic mettled에 의(依)한 청능훈련(聽能訓練)에 대(對)한 충분(充分)한 지식(知識)이 결여(缺如)된데 기인(基因)된다고 추정(推定)된다.

• Clinical and Experimental Reproductive Medicine
• /
• 제2권2호
• /
• pp.27-36
• /
• 1975

The success of the family planning program in Korea is reflected in the decrease in the growth rate from 3.0% in 1962 to 2.0% in 1971, and in the decrease in the fertility rate from 43/1,000 in 1960 to 29/1,000 in 1970. However, it would be erroneous to attribute these reductions entirely to the family planning program. Other socio-economic factors, such as the increasing age at marriage and the increasing use of induced abortions, definitely had an impact on the lowered growth and fertility rate. Despite the relative success of the program to data in meeting its goals, there is no room for complacency. Meeting the goal of a further reduction in the population growth rate to 1.3% by 1981 is a much more difficult task than any one faced in the past. Not only must fertility be lowered further, but the size of the target population itself will expand tremendously in the late seventies; due to the post-war baby boom of the 1950's reaching reproductive ages. Furthermore, it is doubtful that the age at marriage will continue to rise as in the past or that the incidence of induced abortion will continue to increase. Consequently, future reductions in fertility will be more dependent on the performance of the national family planning program, with less assistance from these non-program factors. This paper will describe various approaches to help to the solution of these current problems. 1. PRACTICE RATE IN FAMILY PLANNING In 1973, the attitude (approval) and knowledge rates were quite high; 94% and 98% respectively. But a large gap exists between that and the actual practice rate, which is only 3695. Two factors must be considered in attempting to close the KAP-gap. The first is to change social norms, which still favor a larger family, increasing the practice rate cannot be done very quickly. The second point to consider is that the family planning program has not yet reached all the eligible women. A 1973 study determineded that a large portion, 3096 in fact, of all eligible women do not want more children, but are not practicing family planning. Thus, future efforts to help close the KAP-gap must focus attention and services on this important large group of potential acceptors. 2. CONTINUATION RATES Dissatisfaction with the loop and pill has resulted in high discontinuation rates. For example, a 1973 survey revealed that within the first six months initial loop acceptance. nearly 50% were dropouts, and that within the first four months of inital pill acceptance. nearly 50% were dropouts. These discontinuation rates have risen over the past few years. The high rate of discontinuance obviously decreases the contraceptive effectiveness. and has resulted in many unwanted births which is directly related to the increase of induced abortions. In the future, the family planning program must emphasize the improved quality of initial and follow-up services. rather than more quantity, in order to insure higher continuation rates and thus more effective contraceptive protection. 3. INDUCED ABORTION As noted earlier. the use of induced abortions has been increase yearly. For example, in 1960, the average number of abortions was 0.6 abortions per women in the 15-44 age range. By 1970. that had increased to 2 abortions per women. In 1966. 13% of all women between 15-44 had experienced at least one abortion. By 1971, that figure jumped to 28%. In 1973 alone, the total number of abortions was 400,000. Besides the ever incre.sing number of induced abortions, another change has that those who use abortions have shifted since 1965 to include- not. only the middle class, but also rural and low-income women. In the future. in response to the demand for abortion services among rural and low-income w~men, the government must provide and support abortion services for these women as a part of the national family planning program. 4. TARGET SYSTIi:M Since 1962, the nationwide target system has been used to set a target for each method, and the target number of acceptors is then apportioned out to various sub-areas according to the number of eligible couples in each area. Because these targets are set without consideration for demographic factors, particular tastes, prejudices, and previous patterns of acceptance in the area, a high discontinuation rate for all methods and a high wastage rate for the oral pill and condom results. In the future. to alleviate these problems of the methodbased target system. an alternative. such as the weighted-credit system, should be adopted on a nation wide basis. In this system. each contraceptive method is. assigned a specific number of points based upon the couple-years of protection (CYP) provided by the method. and no specific targets for each method are given. 5. INCREASE OF STERILIZA.TION TARGET Two special projects. the hospital-based family planning program and the armed forces program, has greatly contributed to the increasing acceptance in female and male sterilization respectively. From January-September 1974, 28,773 sterilizations were performed. During the same time in 1975, 46,894 were performed; a 63% increase. If this trend continues, by the end of 1975. approximately 70,000 sterilizations will have been performed. Sterilization is a much better method than both the loop and pill, in terms of more effective contraceptive protection and the almost zero dropout rate. In the future, the. family planning program should continue to stress the special programs which make more sterilizations possible. In particular, it should seek to add the laparoscope techniques to facilitate female sterilization acceptance rates. 6. INCREASE NUMBER OF PRIVATE ACCEPTORS Among the current family planning users, approximately 1/3 are in the private sector and thus do not- require government subsidy. The number of private acceptors increases with increasing urbanization and economic growth. To speed this process, the government initiated the special hospital based family planning program which is utilized mostly by the private sector. However, in the future, to further hasten the increase of private acceptors, the government should encourage doctors in private practice to provide family planning services, and provide the contraceptive supplies. This way, those do utilize the private medical system will also be able to receive family planning services and pay for it. Another means of increasing the number of private acceptors, IS to greatly expand the commercial outlets for pills and condoms beyond the existing service points of drugstores, hospitals, and health centers. 7. IE&C PROGRAM The current preferred family size is nearly twice as high as needed to achieve a stable poplation. Also, a strong boy preference hinders a small family size as nearly all couples fuel they must have at least one or more sons. The IE&C program must, in the future, strive to emphasize the values of the small family and equality of the sexes. A second problem for the IE&C program to work. with in the: future is the large group of people who approves family planning, want no more children, but do not practice. The IE&C program must work to motivate these people to accept family planning And finally, for those who already practice, an IE&C program in the future must stress continuation of use. The IE&C campaign, to insure highest effectiveness, should be based on a detailed factor analysis of contraceptive discontinuance. In conclusion, Korea faces a serious unfavorable sociodemographic situation- in the future unless the population growth rate can be curtailed. And in the future, the decrease in fertility will depend solely on the family planning program, as the effect of other socio-economic factors has already been maximumally felt. A second serious factor to consider is the increasing number of eligible women due to the 1950's baby boom. Thus, to meet these challenges, the program target must be increased and the program must improve the effectiveness of its current activities and develop new programs.