• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.50
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• pp.31-51
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• 2018

The concept of 'monsters' have become popular, again, in recent times. A number of 'monster narratives' that discuss monsters such as zombies, humanoids, viruses, extraterrestrials, and serial killers have been made and re-made in popular media. Noting such an interesting cultural context, this article attempts, first, to find out some essential prototypical elements of a monster narrative and, second, to relate it with a catastrophic narrative. Correspondingly, the word 'monster' has been used as a conceptual prototype category that denies universal and clear definition, which makes it as one of the most widely used and familiar subjects of the use of metaphor. The prototypical meanings of various monster figures can be converged on a certain creature of being in this way held out as bizarre, curious, and abnormal. The monster figure that surpasses existing normality is also connected to 'abjection,' such as something that is cast aside from the body such as the bodily functions seen in its associated blood, tears, vomit, excrement, or semen, and so on. Nevertheless, both the monster figure and abjection produce disgust and horror in the minds of ordinary spectators or readers of media using this metaphor to heighten excitement for the viewers. The abject characteristic of the monster figure also has something in common with the posthuman figure, meaning to apply to a category of inhuman others who are held outside of the normal category of human beings. In the similar vein, it is natural that the most typical monster figures in our times are posthuman creatures embodied in such forms as seen with zombies, humanoids, cyborgs, robots, and so on. In short, the monster figure includes all of the creatures and beings that disarray normalized humanist categories and values. The monster narrative, in the same sense, is a type of story that tells about others outside modern, anthropocentric, male-centered, and Westernized categories of thought. It can be argued that a catastrophic narrative, a literary genre which depicts the world where a series of catastrophic events demolish the existing human civilization, ought to be seen as a typical modern-day monster narrative, because it also discounts and criticizes normalized humanist categories and values as is the result of the monster narrative. Going beyond the prevailing humanist realist narrative that are so familiar with existing values, the catastrophic narrative is not only a monster narrative per se, but also a monstrous narrative which disrupts and reinvents currently mainstream narratives and ways of thinking.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.116
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• pp.251-281
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• 2017

The Parmenidean tradition of logos which previous researches fail to fully appreciate has three dimensions of reality-knowledge-discourse. Parmenides is not just an ontologist, as the traditional view emphasizes, but also an epistemologist, as the revisionist view begins to emphasize, and, at the same time, a meta-discourser, as those two established views fail to embrace. In order to reach the third view which fully grasps such a dynamic and integrated feature of Parmenides, we should closely pay attention to the organic interconnectedness of three discourse parts of truth-doxa-proem, especially the significance of proem and meta-discourse. In the Eleatic tradition of discourse, the figure who clearly appreciated and further developed such an authentic feature of Parmenides' discourse is not, as one might easily expect, one of the second-generation Eleatics, but Gorgias who has commonly been positioned at the opposite side of Eleatism. This paper investigates how he actually both innovated and succeeded the Parmenidean tradition of logos; especially, it characterizes his discourse as an antilogy(antilogia) from within the tradition: as a 'devil' advocate' who complemented and completed Parmenidean persuasion by positing the Parmenidean tradition of logos as an arena of a huge intellectual discipline and cultivation, offering himself as a sparring partner to it, and bringing up an antilogy. In the process of this antilogy he performed in his rhetorical speeches such as the Encomium of Helen and the Defense of Palamedes he experimented and examined a possibility of persuasion operating independently from truth, which, however, is not merely sacrificing truth in favor of persuasiveness and probability (to eikos) as Plato criticized mainly focussing on his 'philosophical' writing On not-being. Rather, it was an 'opposition for opposition's sake' and serious play which purported to provide balance and flexibility to contemporary intellectual society which had too much inclined towards truth and knowledge and become stiff and to put weight on the opposite side of mainstream. It is wholly our eranos (i.e. our share of contribution) to summon and examine such sophistic tradition for the sake of the task of our times, not for the sake of Plato's task, that we should build up a healthy culture of discourse where we can share serious play.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.104-121
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist art in Jeju which has rarely been in the mainstream discussions about the Korean art by focusing on the statues of Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune. The Buddhist art in Jeju reached its heyday during the late phase of the Goryeo period (918-1392). The imperial court of Yuan (1271-1368) established Beophwasa, one of its guardian temples which was also a "complementary temple" of Goryeo (918-1392). In 1296, the community of monks based in Myoryeonsa Temple published the Jeju edition of the Buddhist canon granted by the royal court of Goryeo, contributing to the foundation of the island's academic culture. Other items representing the heyday of the Buddhist art of Jeju include the Vajra Guardian carved on the greenschist pagoda of Sujeongsa Temple built during the late Goryeo period and the Five-story Stone Pagoda of Bultapsa Temple made from the locally obtained basalt rock during the early $14^{th}$ century. The Buddhist art of Jeju during the Joseon period (1392-1910) is represented by Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune, a pair of stone statues of Maitreya Buddha carved to feature three aspects of the Maitreya worship spread among the local folks in the period. Each of the statues is in a peaked cap and official's robe and characterized by bulging eyes comparable to those of the Buddhist guardian deities such as the Vajra guardian who were designed to protect a sacred area against evil forces. The Maitreya statues provide valuable sources of knowledge about the types of Maitreya adopted by the worshippers of local folk religion in the Joseon period. The Jabok Mireuk statues in Jeju can be easily compared with the Two Rock-carved Standing Buddhas in Yongmi-ri, Paju (1471), and the two standing stone Buddhas in Daeseongsa Temple in Okcheon (ca 1491) and on the Sipsinsa Temple site in Gwangju in that they all wear peaked caps in the "treasure canopy" style which gained popularity during the early Joseon period. One may conclude then that these statues are related with the Neo-Confucian elites who wanted the Joseon dynasty they established to prosper under the auspices of the Buddha of the Future. Interestingly, the enshrinement of the stone Buddha of Daeseongsa Temple is presumed to have been participated by Yuk Han who had served as the Governor (Moksa) of Jeju, suggesting its connection with the Jabok Mireuk despite the regional difference in their style.

• Journal of Climate Change Research
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.139-151
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• 2014

It is increasingly supported by scientific evidence that greenhouse gas caused by human activities is changing the global climate. In particular, the changing climate has affected human health, directly or indirectly, and its adverse impacts are estimated to increase in the future. In response, many countries have established and implemented a variety of mitigation and adaptation measures. However, it is significant to note that climate change will continue over the next few centuries and its impacts on human health should be tackled urgently. The purpose of this paper is to examine domestic policies and research in health sector in adaptation to climate change. It further aims to recommend future research directions for enhanced response to climate change in public health sector, by reviewing a series of adaptation policies in the selected countries and taking into account the general features of health adaptation policies. In this regard, this study first evaluates the current adaptation policies in public health sector by examining the National Climate Change Adaptation Master Plan(2011~2015) and Comprehensive Plan for Environment and Health(2011~2020) and reviewing research to date of the government and relevant institutions. For the literature review, two information service systems are used: namely, the National Science and Technology Information Service(NTIS) and the Policy Research Information Service & Management(PRISM). Secondly, a series of foreign adaptation policies are selected based on the global research priorities set by WHO (2009) and reviewed in order to draw implications for domestic research. Finally, the barriers or constraints in establishing and implementing health adaptation policies are analyzed qualitatively, considering the general characteristics of adaptation in the health sector to climate change, which include uncertainty, finance, technology, institutions, and public awareness. This study provides four major recommendations: to mainstream health sector in the field of adaptation policy and research; to integrate cross-sectoral adaptation measures with an aim to the improvement of health and well-being of the society; to enhance the adaptation measures based on evidence and cost-effectiveness analysis; and to facilitate systemization in health adaptation through setting the key players and the agenda.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.189-228
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• 2014

The purpose of this research was to summarize Korea and China's researches on Noh and to examine main domain in this field, by investigating the academic books and articles published in two countries. In 1960s, since Nohgaku has been introduced to China, academic articles on Zeami's theories and aesthetics have emphasized on aesthetic characteristics of Chinese plays and Japanese Nohgaku through the similarities of oriental plays. The number of researches on Kabuki is almost twice as that of researches on Noh in China. While most researches on Kabuki were compared with the styles and music of Pecking Opera and the theatrical theories of liyu[李漁], those on Noh has been highlighted the comparative studies on $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$[謠曲], Chinese Noh plays. The main difference among the researches on $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$ in Korea and China was the material regarding characters of Noh. Because song yuanzaju[宋 元雜劇]and Nohgaku in Chinese-Japanese plays were the mature form of the classic plays and those were representative of traditional nation plays, this researches tried to ascertain the cultural origins of two countries regarding the aesthetic characteristics by referencing lyrical and narrative features[曲詞] of yuanzaju[元雜劇]and the classic waka of Nohgaku. While the comparative studies on Noh and song yuanzaju and kunqu[昆劇] in China were prevalent, national researches have emphasized on the inner world of the main character and dramaturgy through the verbal description of Noh. Especially, this research tried to investigate the inner world of the main character and the intention of the writers through the verbal description of Noh authorized in the history of the works. Also, the researches on Buddhism in the Middle Ages and religious background were examined significantly. In addition, the $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$ has influenced on European modern playwrights and the comparative studies between the materials of $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$ and Western modern plays were concerned. In Korea, the comparative studies on Noh between Korea abd Japan has been most focused on the origin theory of Noh. The fact that appearance theory of Noh had originated from Sangaku was common opinion among Korean, Chinese, and Japanese scholars. However, they are agree with the opinion that according to the formation of the different genres, Noh's mainstream was different among three countries despite of the same origin. Yuan drama and Noh play have the same origin, but different branch. In relation to the Noh's origin theory, there are literature comparative studies in religious background, the studies presumed the origin of instrumental music related to those in mask plays, and the comparative studies between Korean mask plays and $ky{\bar{o}}gen$ of Nohgaku. Kyogen is the Comedy inserted among the stories in Nohgaku performed in just one day. Therefore, $ky{\bar{o}}gen$ must be discussed separately from the relations of 'shite[任手]'s inner action veiled with masks. This research figured out that the lacking points of the two countries' researches were the acting methods of Noh. Academic articles written by foreign scholars studying Korean and Chinese theatres should be included when this issue will be dealt with. In Korea and China, translation studies and writings regarding Nohgaku have studied by those who are major in Japanese literature or oriental literature. This case is the same in Korea in that scholars whose speciality is not theatre, but Japanese literature has studied. Therefore, this present study can give a good grasp of whole tendency on Nohgaku's research in theatre fields.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.45
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• pp.51-82
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• 2015

Maeul-making, which is to restore inherent characteristics of maeul as a living community has been proceeded by local communities themselves since the 1990s when political democracy and local government in Korean society has been progressed in full-scale. Although New Maeul Movement has been done in the 1970s before and after, it is different from maeul-making because it was focused mainly on improving physical environments of rural communities and initiated by government. The development of maeul community archives in Korea has been related closely to such a maeul-making since the 1990s. Maeul-based community archives, maeul community archives had been begun to build as part of maeul-making and grass-root movement by the 2000s. Initiated by self-motivated communities, maeul community archives were carried out through cooperations between civic activists and residents in maeul communities and voluntary professional archivists from outside. Although records about the maeul community has been collected by mainstream cultural institutions such as public archives, museum, local historical association, and local cultural center, it was at this time to collect records of the maeul community by self-motivated local residents. This tendency of 'independent' maeul community archives, however, is currently entering upon a new phase with the city of Seoul's project (2012) to support making a maeul community, that is, the governance phase based on private-government partnership. At this point of time, it is important for maeul community archives to be built on privately-led governance model that guarantees their autonomy and at the same time bring government's knowhow and supports into them, as opposed to the way captured or driven unilaterally by government. This article explores the growth of maeul community archives and collections in Korean society through a range of self-motivated bodies; the interaction with government; and as a result of those interactions, the creation of maeul community archives based on governance. To introduce and explicate the motivations behind maeul archiving endeavors, this article will first sketch something of the historical, social, and political context in which 'maeul' communities have arisen, collapsed, and restored. It will then examine in more detail some specific examples of maeul community archives as grass-root movement of maeul community. The third section will attempt to identify the governance model of maeul community archives under the auspices of the city of Seoul and its limitations. Finally through these activities, it will suggest the ways in which maeul community archives commit themselves to their duty of grass-root movement of community and at the same time, secure sustainability, that is, concrete ways of privately initiated governance model.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.34 no.6
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• pp.530-542
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• 2020

This study surveyed the central mountain area of Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) from March to October 2018 to reveal the appearance patterns of freshwater fish. We collected 7,744 individuals of 43 species in 12 families with skimming nets and cast nets in 12 stations during the survey. The dominant species was Zacco koreanus (30.3%), and the subdominant species was Z. platypus (18.5%), followed by Rhynchocypris oxycephalus (10.0%), R. steindachneri (6.7%), Microphysogobio yaluensis (5.9%), Acheilognathus signifer (4.5%), Pungtungia herzi (4.2%), and Orthrias nudus (2.6%). Among the collected species, four were legally protected. They included Hemibarbus mylodon, which was a natural monument, and Lethenteron reissneri, A. signifer, and Pseudopungtungia tenuicorpa, which were class II endangered wildlife designated by the Ministry of Environment. Twenty Korean endemic species (46.5%) and one exotic species, Micropterus salmoides, were also collected. Additionally, three climate-change sensitive species, R. kumgangensis, Ladislavia taczanowskii, and Cottus koreanus, and three landlocked species, L. reissneri, C. koreanus, and Rhinogobius brunneus appeared. The dominant species in each station were Z. koreanus (15 stations), Z. platypus (four stations), R. oxycephalus (four stations), and C. koreanus (one station). The species dominance index decreased from upstream to downstream (mainstream of Gimhwanamdae Stream), while the species diversity index and the species richness index increased. The community structure of the rivers was divided into the uppermost stream, upper stream, Han River, and Imjin River. Compared to antecedent surveys, this study collected the highest number of species. Two new species (Sarcocheilichthys variegatus wakiyae and Micropterus salmoides) were caught, while six species (Siniperca scherzeri, Leiocassis ussuriensis, Brachymystax lenok tsinlingensis, Rhodeus ocellatus, Abbottina springeri, Aphyocypris chinensis) did not appear. Gimhwanamdaecheon Stream has high biological value with the inhabitation of many species, including species under legal protection and high diversity and richness index scores. This paper also discussed a protection plan for this area.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.71-103
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• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.203-228
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• 2009

ChaeHo Shin's major interests were in the ancient history, among other periods of the Korean history. Shin's depiction of history is characterized by having nation in the heart of history, whose tendency of nationalism was purposefully strong. In general, the nationalism of those times was emphasizing a 'strong' nation, just as in the case of Shin's theory, and at the same time stood for the theory of social evolution with a view to raising the nation in the front line of history. The nationalism, in association with the theory of social evolution, ended up having a propensity that criticizes imperialism on the one hand, and envies it on the other. This inclination is literally shown in Doksasillon (A New Guide to Reading History), which is ChaeHo Shin's research on the ancient history. Doksasillon is a historical essay that was published serially in 50 installments from August 27th through December 13th in 1908. Unlike the existing views in the late 1900s on the ancient history, among other ages of the Korean history, Doksasillon can be called a treatise with a focus on nation. Doksasillon is an incomplete study which can be divided into two parts, introduction and ancient times that is the first volume. It, nevertheless, shows the aspect of a powerful nation activist who tried to surmount the life-and-death crisis of nation by 'recalling' the nation in the period of the late-Joseon and the Korean empire in 1908 and 'rediscovering' the territory. It also reflects a slice of a historian's anguish that attempted to cope with the national crisis by virtue of the 'power' of history. It is ChaeHo Shin who 'rediscovered' the Buyeo tribe as the mainstream of the ancient history of Korea, and recomposed and materialized the ancient history. Shin chose the 'Buyeo tribe' as a principal race, and used it as a representative of the Korean nation in the ancient era, which was because Buyeo and Goguryeo were the strongest. The emphasis laid on the powerful nation in the history of Korea well reflects the efforts of a powerful nation activist in the age of the late-Joseon, and on the other hand, it shows how nationalism came to be formed in Korea. ChaeHo Shin is regarded as a person who lived in the age in which nationalism, which underscores the homogeneity of a nation, had to be stressed as a sole weapon for a nation who was left behind in modernization and whose rights were disseized. Dosasillon shows a process of reconstructing the history of DanKun and the Buyeo tribe and unearthing a hero who was valued as a savior of the nation, which was the reason that ChaeHo Shin wrote a history.