• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.56-67
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• 2019

In order to investigate the issue with the proper name of eshel(Tamarix aphylla) mentioned in the Bible, analysis of morphological taxonomy features of plants, studies on the symbolism of the Tamarix genus, analysis of examples in Korean classics and Chinese classics, and studies on the problems found in translations of Korean, Chinese and Japanese Bibles. The results are as follows. According to plant taxonomy, similar species of the Tamarix genus are differentiated by the leaf and flower, and because the size is very small about 2-4mm, it is difficult to differentiate by the naked eye. However, T. aphylla found in the plains of Israel and T. chinensis of China and Korea have distinctive differences in terms of the shape of the branch that droops and its blooming period. The Tamarix genus is a very precious tree that was planted in royal courtyards of ancient Mesopotamia and the Han(漢) Dynasty of China, and in ancient Egypt, it was said to be a tree that gave life to the dead. In the Bible, it was used as a sign of the covenant that God was with Abraham, and it also symbolized the prophet Samuel and the court of Samuel. When examining the example in Korean classics, the Tamarix genus was used as a common term in the Joseon Dynasty and it was often used as the medical term '$Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳)'. Meanwhile, the term 'wiseonglyu(渭城柳)' was used as a literary term. Upon researching the period and name of literature related to $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) among Chinese medicinal herb books, a total of 16 terms were used and among these terms, the term Chuísīliǔ(垂絲柳) used in the Chinese Bible cannot be found. There was no word called 'wiseonglyu(渭城柳)' that originated from the poem by Wang Wei(699-759) of Tang(唐) Dynasty and in fact, the word 'halyu(河柳)' that was related to Zhou(周) China. But when investigating the academic terms of China currently used, the words Chuísīliǔ(垂絲柳) and $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) are used equally, and therefore, it appears that the translation of eshel in the Chinese Bible as either Chuísīliǔ (垂絲柳) or $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) both appear to be of no issue. There were errors translating tamarix into 'やなぎ(willow)' in the Meiji Testaments(舊新約全書 1887), and translated correctly 'ぎょりゅう(檉柳)' since the Colloquial Japanese Bible(口語譯 聖書 1955). However, there are claims that 'gyoryu(ぎょりゅう 檉柳)' is not an indigenous species but an exotics species in the Edo Period, so it is necessary to reconsider the terminology. As apparent in the Korean classics examples analysis, there is high possibility that Korea's T. chinensis were grown in the Korean Peninsula for medicinal and gardening purposes. Therefore, the use of the medicinal term $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) or literary term 'wiseonglyu' in the Korean Bible may not be a big issue. However, the term 'wiseonglyu' is used very rarely even in China and as this may be connected to the admiration of China and Chinese things by literary persons of the Joseon Dynasty, so the use of this term should be reviewed carefully. Therefore, rather than using terms that may be of issue in the Bible, it is more feasible to transliterate the Hebrew word and call it eshel.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.59-66
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• 2023

This study attempts to examine the process of establishing a Japanese-style garden in the modern period through the perspectives of garden designers, spatial composition, spatial components, and materials used in their works, and to use it as data for embodying the identity of Korean garden. The results are as follows: First, by incorporating elements associated with Koreanness into the modern garden culture, there are differences in location, presence, and subjectivity when compared to Japan. This reflects Japan's relatively seamless cultural continuity compared to Korea's cultural disconnection during the modern period. Second, prior to the modern period, Japan's garden culture spread and continued to develop throughout the country without significant interruptions. However, during the modern period, the Meiji government promoted the policy of 'civilization and enlightenment (Bunmei-kaika, 文明開化)' and introduced advanced European and American civilizations, leading to the popularity of Western-style architectural techniques. Unfortunately, the rapid introduction of Western culture caused the traditional Japanese culture to be overshadowed. In 1879, British architect Josiah Condor guided Japanese architects and introduced atelier and traditional designs of Japanese gardens into the design. The garden style of Ogawa Jihei VII, a garden designer in Kyoto during the Meiji and Taisho periods, was accepted by influential political and business leaders who sought to preserve Japan's traditional culture. And a protection system of garden was established through the preparation of various laws and regulations. Third, as a comprehensive analysis of Japanese modern gardens, the examination of garden designers, Japanese components, materials, elements, and the Japanese-style showed that Yamagata Aritomo, Ogawa Jihei VII, and Mirei Shigemori were representative garden designers who preserved the Japanese-style in their gardens. They introduced features such as the creation of a Daejicheon(大池泉) garden, which involves a large pond on a spacious land, as well as the naturalistic borrowed scenery method and water flow. Key components of Japanese-style gardens include the use of turf, winding garden paths, and the variation of plant species. Fourth, an analysis of the Japanese-style elements in the target sites revealed that the use of flowing water had the highest occurrence at 47.06% among the individual elements of spatial composition. Daejicheon and naturalistic borrowed scenery were also shown. The use of turf and winding paths were at 65.88% and 78.82%, respectively. The alteration of tree species was relatively less common at 28.24% compared to the application of turf or winding paths. Fifth, it is essential to discover more gardens from the modern period and meticulously document the creators or owners of the gardens, the spatial composition, spatial components, and materials used. This information will be invaluable in uncovering the identity of our own gardens. This study was conducted based on the analysis of the process of establishing the Japanese-style during Japan's modern period, utilizing examples of garden designers and gardens. While this study has limitations, such as the absence of in-depth research and more case studies or specific techniques, it sets the stage for future exploration.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.