• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.179-209
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• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.182-196
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• 2007

EU has pursued of the economic growth and the promotion of jobs by a free movement of workers. The free labour mobility brings a sustainable economic development through the creating jobs and the acquisition of a new knowledge and technology, but it also produces the geographical unequality of the movement of workers. And the enlargement of the EU redistributes geographically the flow of labour mobility. The flow of labour movement within EU changes to the structure of mobility that moves from the North to the North instead of the movement from the South to the North as an economic development in the South and an economic transformation to the service and hightech industry in the North. The mobility of unskilled workers has diminished, but the mobility of expert workers has increased. The flow of labour movement within EU has a structure hierarchic that the experts labour move from the North to the North, and the unskilled labour move from the South to the North and from the northern Africa to the South of Europe.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.1-28
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• 2018

Now labour policy of Moon Jae-in Administration is very different from the labour reform politics of the past ages in its structural conditions. Especially the difference is in the fact that the new labour policy is originated from the Candlelight Revolution in 2016 which has resisted to the 20years-long neoliberal domination. This kind of change in the political situation made a optimistic prediction with regard to the possibility of successful labour reform. However the future is in many points so uncertain that we could not confirm the success of labour reform at all. The uncertainty always resides in the structural unbalance between labour movement power and capitalist state power bloc in Korea. In this sense strategical orientation and practices of the democratic labour movement(KCTU) are very critical to produce some positive outcomes.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.1-28
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• 2018

This paper studies and evaluates the present situation of three decades of 'Minjoonojoundong' in Korea with a long-term perspectives. It had grown up during 1987 labour regime era and has declined abruptly since 1998. The backdrop of this decline was the transformation of labour regime from the 1987 regime to the dependent neoliberal one. The Korean labour movement did not respond to the changed structural conditions as it sustained its old strategies, militant unionism. Now the 'Minjoonojoundong' in Korea has met three difficult problems that are connected with each others. They are militant economism, political economism and formal industrial unionism. However the 'Candlelight Revolution' occurred in 2016 winter has opened a chance of regime change that could strengthen the 'Minjoonojoundong'. The revolution was primarily a political one. But it also created a dramatic situation change in labour politics. The candle-citizen demanded radical change of the polarized Korean society and overflown contingent workers. So it is a time of radical and overall innovation for the 'Minjoonojoundong' and KCTU. And they have to keep the long-term strategical vision of labour regime change.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.215-228
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• 2006

Because of the technological innovation of information-communication, the liberalization of world trade and the intensification of regionalisation, the world economic space is in progress of globalization that is not only a product but also a capital, technology and labour move freely over the countries. In the globalized economic space, the multinational finns accelerate a globalization of capital and labour by exporting the capital to the peripherals countries for the low cost of production and importing the low wage labour from the peripherals countries. East Asia which appeared one of the world triad economic axis with a rapid regional economic growth after 1980's intensifies the regionalisation of capital and labour. As the increase of gap in cost of production and income level among the countries, not only the direction of flows of capital and labour but also the traits of migrant labour also changes remarkably.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.52-75
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• 2021

The current Korean labour movement is at an impasse that is partly sustained by the idea of "strong" transnational corporations (TNCs) versus "weak" labour, and this perception is based on the "global-local dichotomy," wherein TNCs are depicted as abstract and structured entities operating at the global scale and workers are represented as having a concrete and weak presence within the local sphere. As an alternative perspective to break this "global" capital vs. "local" labour dichotomy, I focus on labour geography, which assumes that labour is not simply a factor of production but a sentient spatial actor that (un-)intentionally produces the landscape of capitalism. Borrowing insights from the multi-scalar perspective, this paper aims to understand the actual methods in which workers utilize spatial strategies through an empirical case study of the Nestlé Korea labour union strike in 2003. Based on this case study, this paper claims that workers are both capable of employing coordinated multi-scalar practices and can be more influential to the economic geographies of TNCs. Additionally, it suggests that workers' scalar practices are actually more complicated and multi-directional as a result of their complex and dynamic interactions with political, economic and cultural forces and actors at diverse geographical scales.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.165-195
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• 2017

This paper deals with 'men facing limits of lives' from a perspective of struggle for social recognition. Men facing limits of lives in this paper indicates activists who have dedicated to labor movements since 1970s, and struggle for social recognition means to fight to acquire recognition in terms of love, rights and values, from members of societies. This paper analyzes the process of their failure and frustration in pursuing passion for recognition. They formed democratic labor unions, as an effort for recognition, and this led to foundation of progressive parties. Nonetheless, they are standing on a crossroad between lethargic and depression, while they are pursuing reformation and revolution. Why is their passion cooled down and depression aggravated? This paper argues various rifts both in internal and external realms of labor activists as critical factor of the failure, and suggests communication to heal the rifts as an alternative.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2004.06a
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• pp.3-50
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• 2004

${\cdot}$ Recent social policy and labour markets debates in Europe, responding to the difficulties faced by the traditional neo-Keynesian welfare state settlement, stress the value of positive investment alongside de-regulation and greater flexibility as a way of achieving both economic and social goals. ${\cdot}$ Patterns of policy reform are complex and reflect differing national circumstances. A general move towards deregulation, constraints on entitlement to passive benefits, programmes to enhance employment, particularly among high-risk groups such as single parents and young people, targeted subsidies for low earners and casemanagement may be identified. ${\cdot}$ In relation to investment in education, research and development and combined training and benefit programmes to enhance mobility between jobs the picture is less clear. Education standards continue to rise, but research and development spending stagnates and few countries have developed substantial ‘flexi-curity’ programmes to support job mobility. ${\cdot}$ The labour market tradition in much of Europe has been one of conflict between labour and employers. As labour grows weaker, new approaches develop. These tend to stress productivity agreements and greater flexibility in work practices within firms and reforms to passive social security systems more broadly, but movement to support the more challenging investment and flexi-curity policies is slow. ${\cdot}$ In general, social and labour market policies in Europe stress deregulation and negative activation more strongly than social investment and ‘flexi-curity’. The countries with high growth and employment achieve that goal by different routes: Sweden has a closely integrated social democratic corporatism with high spending on benefits and training programmes and the UK a more liberal market-oriented system, with lower spending, highly targeted benefits and less mobility support. ${\cdot}$ Europe has something to learn from Korea in achieving high investment in human capital and R and D, while Korea may have something to learn from Europe in social investment, particularly flexi-curity and equal opportunity policies.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Navigation
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.9-40
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• 1995

Since Korean Seamen Act(herein after called "the Act") has been legislated in 1962, an amendment of the Act has duly performed several times in order to meet an essential guideline of appropriate international convention and practical requirement of domestic labour movement. As the Act in many area, is based on the application of international convention and regulations, it has been considered essential to call attention to such international rules, to emphasize their importance, and to indicate how and to what extent they may be incorporated in national law, in accordance with national constitutional rules and requirements. Of newly amended act in 1991, it could, however, not fully reflect an adequate and modern labour standard as a guideline of the convention. Therefore, a principal objective of this paper is to provide a comprehensive reference work to assist amending up-to-data seamen act against the Act. The guidelines, however, do not attempt to suggest or formulate a legislative programme, but rather provide an ordered and specific content corresponding to international convention adopted by ILO. Consequentially, these guidelines aim to direct the reader and legislator toward the sources and contents of what has come to constitute an international code of maritime labour standards. The guidelines described herein may also serve as a specific arrangement to the various kinds of legal aspects to be regulated through reasonable future amendment under amicable agreement between interesting parties.g parties.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.52 no.6
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• pp.165-179
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• 2002

This paper begins with the thesis that the so-called 'Be Slow' Movement has not only affected the contemporary life style but also the current fashion trend in the West as well as in Korea. The influence of the 'Be Slow' Movement on the everyday life of Western and Korean society can be documented by recent books, news reports, and many articles from various kinds of mass media and fashion magazines since the year 2000. The results of this study can be summarized as follows. First. the 'Be Slow' Movement is a new cultural phenomenon and very different from that of the past century. It has emerged very recently and it could affect the life style o( its followers for a long period of time. Second, the influence of 'Be Slow' Movement on everyday life can be witnessed in many behavioral choices. such as the preference of organic food and natural cooking for food and the preference of rural life and a green patch of land for housing. Some aspects of the way of rearing the children and long-term planning of one's life are also under the influence of 'Be Slow' Movement. In a way. the life style Proposed by the 'Be Slow' Movement is somewhat similar to that of 'Bobos'. Third, the influence of 'Be Slow' Movement on the current fashion trend can be observed in the appreciation of time-consuming labour and increased usage of D.I.Y. clothing. The higher value of fashion goods with handcrafted part or scarce luxury item are good examples of the influence by the 'Be Slow' Movement. One can say that the 'Be Slow' Movement is not retrogression, but a re-creation of time and space to be grateful for one's life. Thus, it is not anti-technology but a commercialism with technology in order to enhance the quality of life and to place people in the center of production and consumption. Consequently, one may say that the 'Be Slow' Movement is a appropriate and affluent way of living.