• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.1-42
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• 2011

In terms of seaborne contacts of Vietnamese court with foreign countries had two directions in the 19th century. One was with Island Southeast Asian ports such as Singapore, Malacca, Penang, Batavia, and Manila. The other direction was to Canton. The Canton contact of Vietnam again can be interpreted as one of the two directions of Vietnamese contact with China. The inland route far to Beijing was based on the political and diplomatic consideration, while the closer route to Canton by the court vessels was more for the economic consideration as the case for the contact with the Island Southeast Asia. In this article, author discusses three issues to illuminate the nature of the trips of the court vessels of the Nguyễn dynasty to Canton. First is to clarify detail itinerary of the trip from the Thuận An Estuary to the City of Canton via Đà Nãng and Hanan. Unlike to the Western ships that visited Canton but anchored at the Huang Fu, Vietnamese square-rigged/copper-bottomed ships sailed up the Pearl river to the Guangzhou city front to stay for four or five months before they returned to Vietnam. In the second chapter, various kinds of observation of the Vietnamese officials are discussed. If the objects of the observation are divided into two categories, one is the world Westerners in Canton, and the other is the world of Chinese. In a same place, Canton, the Vietnamese officials could have enough chance to compare the two worlds clearly. An important consequence for the Vietnamese officials was to conclude that the mechanical technology of the Westerners was better than that of Chinese. This kind of conclusion led the Vietnamese court to send court personnels to learn Western technologies and languages in the port cities of Island Southeast Asia and to enlarge contacts with them. In the last chapter, author tries to find out the items that the Vietnamese mission purchased in Canton in exchange to the Vietnamese products. The items that the Vietnamese mission purchased included ceramics, silk, books, and medicines. With the support of the Chinese settlers in Vietnam the mission was able to be involved in the deal of illegal items such as opium, and possibly some kinds of precious ginseng from Korea. Overall, the process of the itinerary, observation, and purchase during the trip to Canton was the way to form the new point of view of Vietnamese intellectuals towards China standing from the side of Westerners. To the Vietnamese who experienced both Canton/Macao and the Western worlds in the port cities of Island Southeast Asia China was not the only center of the world, nor the Westerners could be looked down as the barbarians. In Canton, a peripheral region looked from the imperial capital Beijing, but the most internationalized city of China at that time, Vietnamese officials were training themselves to overcome China.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.241-260
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• 1995

The Maori's traditional clothing materials, basic forms of dress, and the pattern and technique of tatoo were examined in the present study in order to deepen the appreciation of the cultural heritage of the Maori. The research method employed was the analysis of written materials. And a fild-trip was also made for the study. The study was limitted to the traditional culture of body adornment of the Maori including the clothing which is preserved and practicing by them at the present day, and the origin and the process of the historical development of those are not included in the scope of the present study. Followings are the results of the study: (1) By far the most widely used fiber for Maori clothing is abtained from what is commonly called New Zealand Flax. The fiber of kiekie(Freycinetia baueriana) and cabbage trees(Cordyline spp.) may also be used. The strong, long-lasting fiber of toi(cordyline indivisa) is used for a prestige warrior's cloak. Flat strips of ti kauka(Cordyline australi) are also used as thatch on rain cloaks. (2) Regardless of technique used, Maori weaving is always worked horizontally from left to right. Traditionally the work was suspended between two upright turuturu or weaving sticks. As the work progressed a second pair of uprights was used to keep the work off the ground. These uprights were moved forward as required. Because the weaver sat on the ground, the working edge was kept at a height that was comfortable to reach. No weaving tools are used, the wefts(aho) being manipulated by the fingers. The two main Maori weaving techniques are whatu aho patahi(single-pair twining) and whatu aho rua(double-pair twining). (3) The Maori wore two basic garments - a waist met and a cloak. The cloth of commoners were of plain manufacture, while those of people of rank were superior, sometimes being decorated with feather or dyed tags and decorated borders. Children ran more-or-less naked until puberty, being dressed only for special events. Some working dress consisted of nothing more than belts with leaves thrust under them. Chiefs and commoners usually went barefoot, using rough sandals on journeys over rough country (4) The adornment of men and women of rank was an important matter of tribal concern as it was in chiefly persons that prestige of the group was centred, The durable items of Maori persons adornment were either worn or carried. Ornaments of various kinds were draped about the neck or suspended from pierced earlobes. Combs decorated the head. Personal decorations not only enhanced the appearance of men and women, but many had protective magical function. The most evident personal ornament was the hei-tiki made of jade or other material. Maori weapons were treasured by their owners. They served on bottle and were also personal regalia. A man of rank was not fully dressed without a weapon in hand. Also weapons were essential to effective oratory. (5) No man or woman of rank went without some tattoo adornment except in extremely rare instances when a person was too sacred to have any blood shed. The untattooed were marked as beeing commoners of no social standing. This indelible mark of rank was begun, with appropriate rite and ritual, at puberty. And tattoo marked the person as being of a marriageable age. Maori tattoo was unlike most traditional tattoo in that its main line were 'engraved' on the face with deep cuts made by miniature bone chisels. The fill-in areas were not tattooed with cuts but with the multiple pricks of small bone 'combs' that only lightly penetrated the skin surface. The instrument of tattoo consisted of small pots of pumice or wood into which was placed a wetted black pigment made from burnt kauri gum, burnt vegetable caterpillars or other sooty materials. A bird bone chisel or comb set at right angles on a short wooden handle was dipped into the gigment, that a rod or stick was used to tap head of this miniature adze, causing penetration of the skin surface. Black pigment lodged under the skin took on a bluish tinge. A full made facial tattoo consisted of major spirals with smaller spirals on each side of the nose and sweeping curved lines radiating out from between the brows over the forehead and from the nose to the chin. The major patterns were cut deep, while the secondary koru patterns were lightly pricked into the skin.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.1 s.118
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• pp.133-155
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• 2007

The sustainable urban development has emerged as a new paradigm of urban studies in recent years. A review of the literature of land use and transport policies in relation to sustainable development reveals a consensus that the main objectives of sustainable strategy should decrease the numbers and length of journeys, and change the land use pattern towards mixed use and high density. However, there is a lack of empirical research as to what types of policies might influence effectively the reduction in the energy consumption and emission of $CO_2$. in order to sustain urban development. This paper tries to construct the conceptual structure of the PSS(planning support system), which is designed to the simulation of the probable effects of policies and planning of different kinds in cities, and evaluate the sustainablilty level according to construct the structure of the PSS(planning support system), which is designed to the simulation of the probable effects of policies and planning of different kinds in cities, and evaluate the sustainablilty level according to the alternative scenarios. The PSS is composed of three components (input-modeling-output). The core of PSS is integrating land use-transport-environment modeling. The advantages of integrating land use-transport-environment modeling are well known, but there are very few such integrated modeling packages in practice. So this paper tries to apply TRANUS software, which is an integrated land use and transport model. The TRANUS system was calibrated to city of Yongin for the base year. The purpose of the application of TRANUS to Yongin is to examine the operability of TRANUS system in Korea. From the outputs and results of operating the system, TRANUS may be effectively used to evaluate the effects of alternative sustainable urban development policies, since sustainablilty indicators can be extracted from several aspects such as land use consumption, total trips, distance and cost, energy consumption, ratio of transport split.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.3-31
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• 2017

On 12 October 2017, the English Royal Courts of Justice delivered its decision about air carrier's compensation liability for the flight delay. In the cases the passengers suffered delays at a connecting point and, consequently, on arrival at their final destination. They claimed compensation under Regulation 261/2004 (the "Regulation"), as applied by the Court of Justice of the European Union (the "CJEU") in Sturgeon v. Condor [2009]. The principal issues were whether delays suffered by the passengers during the second leg of their respective journeys were compensable under the Regulation, whether there was jurisdiction under the Regulation and whether the right to compensation under the Regulation is, insofar as non-Community air carriers are concerned, excluded by virtue of the exclusive liability regime established under the Montreal Convention 1999. The passengers, the plaintiff, argued that the relevant delay was not that on flight 1 but that suffered at the "final destination". They maintained that there was no exercise by the EU of extraterritorial jurisdiction as the delay on flight 2 was merely relevant to the calculation of the amount of compensation due under the Regulation. The air carrier, the defendant, however argued that the only relevant flights for the purpose of calculating any delay were the first flights (flights 1) out of EU airspace, as only these flights fell within the scope of the Regulation; the connecting flights (flights 2) were not relevant since they were performed entirely outside of the EU by a non-Community carrier. Regarding the issue of what counts as a delay under the Regulation, the CJEU held previously on another precedents that the operating carrier's liability to pay compensation depends on the passenger's delay in arriving at the "final destination". It held that where the air carrier provides a passenger with more than one directly connecting flight to enable him to arrive at their destination, the flights should be taken together for the purpose of assessing whether there has been three hours' or more delay on arrival; and that in case of directly connecting flights, the final destination is the place at which the passenger is scheduled to arrive at the end of the last component flight. In addition, the Court confirmed that the Regulation applied to flights operated by non-Community carriers out of EU airspace even if flight 1 or flight 2 lands outside the EU, since the Regulation does not require that a flight must land in the EU. Accordingly, the passengers' appeal from the lower Court was allowed, while that of air carrier was dismissed. The Court has come down firmly on the side of the passengers in this legal debate. However, this result is not a great surprise considering the recent trends of EU member states' court decisions in the fields of air transport and consumer protection. The main goal of this article is to review the Court's decision and to search historical trend of air consumer protection especially in EU area.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.26
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• pp.71-106
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• 2008

The objective of this research is to reconstruct an aristocratic officer's travels by analysing Yu, hee-chun's diary, Miamilgi. Yu had kept his diary for eighty three months, from October 1567 to May 1577, and there were twenty six times of travel logs which are analysed in this research. As a result of the analysis, his travels can be divided into official travels and private travels. Sixteen times of official travels were comprised of inspection tours for parishes as a superintendent of Jeonra province, trips to supervise maintenance works of royal tombs and to worship the tombs, to carry out the sanjae (rituals in the mountains) as a second minister of the ministry of rites. It was difficult for him to have private travels as he continually served as a royal officer. He had got only 10 times of private travels during the eighty three months for maintaining the ancestor's tomb and worshiping the ancestors, for recuperating himself and his wife, and for constructing his new house. All of these travels were long-distance ones. In terms of his travel routes, he frequently used royal main trunks, e.g. 'Haenamro' (from Seoul to Damyang), which were maintained by the royal government. The main reason of his frequent using of trunk lines was that convenience facilities such as the royal post stations (Yeok) and royal inns (Won) were equipped well in these roads so it was easy to get horse change services and lodging and boarding. The fact that main trunks were chiefly straight lines and the shortest way was rather secondary reason. On the other hand, when he was a superintendent of Junra province, he had four times of round inspection on all parishes of Junra province, following the tour routs covering all over the province. As he was incumbent royal officer, he started his travel by getting a permission from the king. Simultaneously, he made ready some travel items. Among the items, horse was most important one for the journey. After finishing all the preparing processes before the departure, he had special farewell ceremony for the King, Sookbae, and had a small party with his friends called Jeonbeul. Main transportation means for his travel was horse, and many kinds of horses such as royal government's horse, Yeokma, local government's horse, Swema, as well as his private one were used. Additionally, he used a palanquin while he was doing inspection trip as a superintendent of Junra province. Yu was incumbent officer so he mostly lodged in local government guest houses. If he could not find out any local guest house, he was lodged in royal inn, and in his relatives houses or irregularly in buddhist temples. Most meals were supplied by local royal governments. The activities in his journeys were varied on his travel objectives. In his private journey, it was the main activities that maintaining ancestor's tombs and having a memorial service. During the trip, he visited his relatives. His official trips, on the other hand, had a regularity. Main activities were dealing with public works, and visiting Hyanggyo (country public school). However in the midway, he visited his relatives and had a journey to scenic places.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.257-290
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• 2021

The Wonju Nongyo (agricultural work song) is geographically classified as eastern minyo (folk song) which has many distinctive, regional features such as tunes, forms and the use of a melodic line. There has been growing attention to the transmission value of the nongyo including the Wonju Eorirang of the Wonju Origol Nongyo and its region of origin. The Wonju Nongyo is of great value and worthy of preservation in the western part of Gangwon Province. For this reason, it seems fairer to say that a focus should be directed towards establishing the identity of the song and increasing the contextualisation of transmission. At the same time, the preservation association's efforts in passing the traditional song down and education activities fairly deserve equal attention. In addition to the way the folk songs are handed down, a discussion on the facilitation of their use will be required. An in-depth discussion about the restoration and use of the song will be encouraged in a multifaceted manner. Unfortunately, few of the previous literatures on nongyo has gone so far as to investigate Arirang as a separate research topic. In fact, the Wonju Origol Nongyo should be viewed as an intangible cultural asset that paved the way for performance artistry of the Korean agricultural work songs to be seen at a national folk art festival. From the perspective of regional characteristics (traditionally termed "tori"), the Wonju Eorirang represents the cultural value of the manners and customs of our locals which constitute unwritten and neglected literary property and musicality of the song. Particularly, a more attention should be paid to making a record of woodcutters and diversity of farmers' small cooperative groups. The existence of the Wonju Eorirang indicates that the melodies to which the song are sung in Nongyo are of infinite variety. A minyo-singer unfolds various journeys of life through various modes and structure of epic chants, ranging from first encounter, love to marriage, realistic problems to relationship with husband's family and death. The epic chant of the Wonju Origol Nongyo contains a rich variety of regional sentiments about life. In particular, the epic chants of the Galtteukgisor and Ssoeltteukgisori are a genius example of sexual satire and a sense of humor. In the past, the agricultural work songs were rhythmic songs served to synchronize physical movements in groups, coordinating tasks in upland farming and rice paddy with the usage of catchy, repetitive verses easy to pass down. The Wonju Origol Nongyo is a precursor of the work songs which took the farming activities a notch higher to be part of the excitement and festivals. In the context of transmission, a festival serves to demonstrate the value of history and life. The value of the Wonju Eorirang should be appreciated and a concerted effort should be made to find a way to facilitate the transmission of the folk song. A folk-singer is a traditional oral poet and a storyteller of minyo and the forms and species of melody solely depend on the signer. The combination of performance and witticism is shown by the singer freely expressing himself. The Origol Nongyo symbolizes ethnic arts cleverly combining playful effects such as tune, rhythm and old agricultural work of the region. It is to be hoped that much of the efforts is directed to designating such folk songs as the archetype of a cultural heritage. In terms of the foundation on which the folk songs are transmitted, the usage(Performance Content) of a community would be an alternative.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.89-122
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• 2019

In this paper, I argue that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers by Jeong Su-yeong (1743~1831, pseudonym: Jiwujae) is a record of his private journeys to several places on the outskirts of Hanyang (present-day Seoul) and that it successfully embodies the painter's subjective perspective while boating on these rivers and going on outings to nearby mountains. Around 1796, Jeong Su-yeong traveled to different places and documented his travels in this 16-meter-long handscroll. Several leaves of paper, each of which depicts a separate landscape, are pieced together to create this long handscroll. This indicates that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers reflected the painter's personal subjective experiences as he went along his journey rather than simply depicts travel destinations. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers features two types of travel: boating and mountain outings on foot. Traveling by boat takes up a large portion of the handscroll, which illustrates the channels of the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers. Mountain outings correspond to the sections describing the regions around Bukhansan, Gwanaksan, and Dobongsan Mountains. Jeong Su-yeong traveled to this wide span of places not just once, but several times. The fact that the Hangang River system are not presented in accordance with their actual locations shows that they were illustrated at different points. After visiting the riversides of the Hangang and Namhangang Rivers twice, Jeong Su-yeong delineated them in fourteen scenes. Among them, the first eight illustrate Jeong's initial trip by boat, while the other six scenes are vistas from his second trip. These fourteen scenes occupy half of this handscroll, indicating that the regions near the Hangang River are painted most frequently. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's first boating trip to the system of the Hangang River portray the landscapes that he personally witnessed rather than famous scenes. Some of the eight scenic views of Yeoju, including Yongmunsan Mountain, Cheongsimru Pavilion, and Silleuksa Temple, are included in this handscroll. However, Jeong noted spots that were not often painted and depicted them using an eye-level perspective uncommon for illustrating famous scenic locations. The scenes of Jeong's second boating trip include his friend's villa and a meeting with companions. Moreover, Cheongsimru Pavilion and Silleuksa Temple, which are depicted in the first boating trip, are illustrated again from different perspectives and in unique compositions. Jeong Su-yeong examined the same locations several times from different angles. A sense of realism is demonstrated in the scenes of Jeong's first and second boating trips to the channels of the Hangang River, which depict actual roads. Furthermore, viewers can easily follow the level gaze of Jeong from the boat. The scenes depicting the Imjingang River begin from spots near the Yeongpyeongcheon and Hantangang Rivers and end with places along the waterways of the Imjingang River. Here, diverse perspectives were applied, which is characteristic of Imjingang River scenes. Jeong Su-yeong employed a bird's-eye perspective to illustrate the flow of a waterway starting from the Yeongpyeongcheon River. He also used an eye-level perspective to highlight the rocks of Baegundam Pool. Thus, depending on what he wished to emphasize, Jeong applied different perspectives. Hwajeogyeon Pond located by the Hantangang River is illustrated from a bird's-eye perspective to present a panoramic view of the surroundings and rocks. Similarly, the scenery around Uhwajeong Pavilion by the Imjingang River are depicted from the same perspective. A worm's-eye view was selected for Samseongdae Cliff in Tosangun in the upper regions of the Imjingang River and for Nakhwaam Rock. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's mountain outings include pavilions and small temple mainly. In the case of Jaeganjeong Pavilion on Bukhansan Mountain, its actual location remains unidentified since the pavilion did not lead to the route of the boating trip to the system of the Hangang River and was separately depicted from other trips to the mountains. I speculate that Jaeganjeong Pavilion refers to a pavilion either in one of the nine valleys in Wooyi-dong at the foot of Bukhansan Mountain or in Songajang Villa. Since these two pavilions are situated in the valleys of Bukhansan Mountain, their descriptions in written texts are similar. As for Gwanaksan Mountain, Chwihyangjeong and Ilganjeong Pavilions as well as Geomjisan Mountain in the Bukhansan Mountain range are depicted. Ilganjeong Pavilion was a well-known site on Gwanaksan that belonged to Shin Wi. In this handscroll, however, Jeong Su-yeong recorded objective geographic information on the pavilion rather than relating it to Shin Wi. "Chwihyangjeong Pavilion" is presented within the walls, while "Geomjisan Mountain" is illustrated outside the walls. Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers also includes two small temples, Mangwolam and Okcheonam, on Dobongsan Mountain. The actual locations of these are unknown today. Nevertheless, Gungojip (Anthology of Gungo) by Yim Cheonsang relates that they were sited on Dobongsan Mountain. Compared to other painters who stressed Dobong Seowon (a private Confucian academy) and Manjangbong Peak when depicting Dobongsan Mountain, Jeong Su-yeong highlighted these two small temples. Jeong placed Yeongsanjeon Hall and Cheonbong Stele in "Mangwolam small temple" and Daeungjeon Hall in front of "Okcheonam small temple." In addition to the buildings of the small temple, Jeong drew the peaks of Dobongsan Mountain without inscribing their names, which indicates that he intended the Dobongsan peaks as a background for the scenery. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers is of great significance in that it embodies Jeong Su-yeong's personal perceptions of scenic spots on the outskirts of Hanyang and records his trips to these places.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.54-88
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• 2019

The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains comprises sixty real scenery landscape paintings depicting Geumgangsan Mountain, the Haegeumgang River, and the eight scenic views of Gwandong regions, as well as fifty-one pieces of writing. It is a rare example in terms of its size and painting style. The paintings in this album, which are densely packed with natural features, follow the painting style of the Southern School yet employ crude and unconventional elements. In them, stones on the mountains are depicted both geometrically and three-dimensionally. Since 1973, parts of this album have been published in some exhibition catalogues. The entire album was opened to the public at the special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea" held at the National Museum of Korea in 2019. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains was attributed to Kim Eung-hwan (1742-1789) due to the signature on the final leaf of the album and the seal reading "Bokheon(painter's penname)" on the currently missing album leaf of Chilbodae Peaks. However, there is a strong possibility that this signature and seal may have been added later. This paper intends to reexamine the creator of this album based on a variety of related factors. In order to understand the production background of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, I investigated the eighteenth-century tradition of drawing scenic spots while travelling in which scenery of was depicted during private travels or official excursions. Jeong Seon(1676-1759), Sim Sa-jeong(1707-1769), Kim Yun-gyeom(1711-1775), Choe Buk(1712-after 1786), and Kang Se-hwang(1713-1791) all went on a journey to Geumgangsan Mountain, the most famous travel destination in the late Joseon period, and created paintings of the mountain, including Album of Pungak Mountain in the Sinmyo Year(1711) by Jeong Seon. These painters presented their versions of the traditional scenic spots of Inner Geumgangsan and newly depicted vistas they discovered for themselves. To commemorate their private visits, they produced paintings for their fellow travelers or sponsors in an album format that could include several scenes. While the production of paintings of private travels to Geumgangsan Mountain increased, King Jeongjo(r. 1776-1800) ordered Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do, court painters at the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), to paint scenic spots in the nine counties of the Yeongdong region and around Geumgangsan Mountain. King Jeongjo selected these two as the painters for the official excursion taking into account their relationship, their administrative experience as regional officials, and their distinct painting styles. Starting in the reign of King Yeongjo(r. 1724-1776), Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do served as court painters at the Dohwaseo, maintained a close relationship as a senior and a junior and as colleagues, and served as chalbang(chief in large of post stations) in the Yeongnam region. While Kim Hong-do was proficient at applying soft and delicate brushstrokes, Kim Eung-hwan was skilled at depicting the beauty of robust and luxuriant landscapes. Both painters produced about 100 scenes of original drawings over fifty days of the official excursion. Based on these original drawings, they created around seventy album leaves or handscrolls. Their paintings enriched the tradition of depicting scenic spots, particularly Outer Inner Geumgang and the eight scenic views of Gwandong around Geumgangsan Mountain during private journeys in the eighteenth century. Moreover, they newly discovered places of scenic beauty in the Outer Geungang and Yeongdong regions, establishing them as new painting themes. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains consists of four volumes. The volumes I, II include twenty-nine paintings of Inner Geumgangsan; the volume III, seventeen scenes of Outer Geumgangsan; and the volume IV, fourteen images of Maritime Geumgangsan and the eight scenic views of Gwandong. These paintings produced on silk show crowded compositions, geometrical depictions of the stones and the mountains, and distinct presentation of the rocky peaks of Geumgangsan Mountain using white and grayish-blue pigments. This album reflects the Joseon painting style of the mid- and late eighteenth century, integrating influences from Jeong Seon, Kang Se-hwang, Sim Sa-jeong, Jeong Chung-yeop(1725-after 1800), and Kim Hong-do. In particular, some paintings in the album show similarities to Kim Hong-do's Album of Famous Mountains in Korea in terms of its compositions and painterly motifs. However, "Yeongrangho Lake," "Haesanjeong Pavilion," and "Wolsongjeong Pavilion" in Kim Eung-hwan's album differ from in the version by Kim Hong-do. Thus, Kim Eung-hwan was influenced by Kim Hong-do, but produced his own distinctive album. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains includes scenery of "Jaundam Pool," "Baegundae Peak," "Viewing Birobong Peak at Anmunjeom groove," and "Baekjeongbong Peak," all of which are not depicted in other albums. In his version, Kim Eung-hwan portrayed the characteristics of the natural features in each scenic spot in a detailed and refreshing manner. Moreover, he illustrated stones on the mountains using geometric shapes and added a sense of three-dimensionality using lines and planes. Based on the painting traditions of the Southern School, he established his own characteristics. He also turned natural features into triangular or rectangular chunks. All sixty paintings in this album appear rough and unconventional, but maintain their internal consistency. Each of the fifty-one writings included in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains is followed by a painting of a scenic spot. It explains the depicted landscape, thus helping viewers to understand and appreciate the painting. Intimately linked to each painting, the related text notes information on traveling from one scenic spot to the next, the origins of the place names, geographic features, and other related information. Such encyclopedic documentation began in the early nineteenth century and was common in painting albums of Geumgangsan Mountain in the mid- nineteenth century. The text following the painting of Baekhwaam Hermitage in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains documents the reconstruction of the Baekhwaam Hermitage in 1845, which provides crucial evidence for dating the text. Therefore, the owner of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains might have written the texts or asked someone else to transcribe them in the mid- or late nineteenth century. In this paper, I have inferred the producer of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains to be Kim Eung-hwan based on the painting style and the tradition of drawing scenic spots during official trips. Moreover, its affinity with the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain created by Kim Ha-jong(1793-after 1878) after 1865 is another decisive factor in attributing the album to Kim Eung-hwan. In contrast to the Album of Famous Mountains in Korea by Kim Hong-do, the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains exerted only a minor influence on other painters. The Handscroll of Pungak Mountain by Kim Ha-jong is the sole example that employs the subject matter from the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains and follows its painting style. In the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain, Kim Ha-jong demonstrated a painting style completely different from that in the Album of Seas and Mountains that he produced fifty years prior in 1816 for Yi Gwang-mun, the magistrate of Chuncheon. He emphasized the idea of "scholar thoughts" by following the compositions, painterly elements, and depictions of figures in the painting manual style from Kim Eung-hwan's Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains. Kim Ha-jong, a member of the Gaeseong Kim clan and the eldest grandson of Kim Eung-hwan, is presumed to have appreciated the paintings depicted in the nature of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, which had been passed down within the family, and newly transformed them. Furthermore, the contents and narrative styles of Yi Yu-won's writings attached to the paintings in the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain are similar to those of the fifty-one writings in Kim Eunghwan's album. This suggests a possible influence of the inscriptions in Kim Eung-hwan's album or the original texts from which these inscriptions were quoted upon the writings in Kim Ha-jong's handscroll. However, a closer examination will be needed to determine the order of the transcription of the writings. The Album of Complete View of Seas and Mountains differs from Kim Hong-do's paintings of his official trips and other painting albums he influenced. This album is a siginificant artwork in that it broadens the understanding of the art world of Kim Eung-hwan and illustrates another layer of real scenery landscape paintings in the late eighteenth century.