• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.213-217
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• 2006

The halophilic bacterium Vibrio vulnificus is known to be a foodborne pathogen that causes septicemia in human. V. vulnificus infection is characterized by the high fatality rates and the primary attack against a person who have underlying diseases such as liver cirrhosis. However, there is no effective treatment for V. vulnificus septicemia except for classical treatments such as antibiotics. Recently, it has been known that lipoprotein (LDL) plays a major role in the protection against infection and inflammation. Consequently in this paper we analyzed the effects of LDL on V. vulnificus septicemia. We purified V. vulnificus cytolysin, a major virulent factor of V. vulnificus infection and measured inhibitory effects of mouse serum, cholesterol, and LDL on its hemolytic activity. Next experiments were performed to investigate whether LDL has a protective role against septicemia induced by V. vulnificus in mice. Intraperitoneal injection of LDL (1mg as protein) into mice 3hr before V. vulnificus $(1\times10^6\;CFU)$ injection, and V. vulnificus -induced lethality was determined. For the determination the relationship between LDL or cholesterol and prognosis, we determined serum levels of cholesterol and lipoprotein from V. vulnificus septicemia patients (n=15) who had visited the Chonbuk National University Hospital in Chonju. V. vulnificus cytolysin -induced hemolysis of mice erythrocytes was completely inhibited by serum, cholesterol, and low-density lipoprotein. V. vulnificus- induced lethality of mice injected with LDL showed only 40% compared to 100% of control. In survival groups (n=4) of V. vulnificus septicemia patients (n=15), their serum LDL and cholesterol revealed normal levels ($153.3{\pm}40.7,\;LDL;\;190.8{\pm}16.3$, Total cholesterol). However, in death groups (n=11) showed very low levels ($35.6{\pm}13.9,\;LDL;\;59.2{\pm}15.1$, Total cholesterol). Our study indicates that cholesterol and LDL are a prognosis indicator of V. vulnificus septicemia as well as an inhibitor of virulent action of V. vulnificus cytolysin. We suggested that the serum levels of cholesterol or LDL would be major index in the treatment and prevention of V. vulnificus septicemia.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.246-256
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• 2017

Purpose: This study aimed to investigate the association of total dietary antioxidant capacity (TAC) with oxidative stress and metabolic markers among patients with metabolic syndrome according to gender. Methods: A total of 346 subjects aged 30~59 years with two or more risk factors of metabolic syndrome were recruited from a general hospital near Seoul in South Korea between 2010 and 2012 based on data from the medical checkup. Biochemical indices for oxidative stress and metabolic markers were measured. Food consumption data from 3-day food records were linked with the antioxidant capacity database for commonly consumed Korean foods to estimate individual's TAC. Results: Average dietary TAC of the study subjects was 132.0 mg VCE/d/1,000 kcal in men and 196.4 mg VCE/d/1,000 kcal in women. Levels of ${\gamma}$-glutamyltransferase (GGT), systolic blood pressure, diastolic blood pressure, and blood triglycerides were reduced significantly according to increasing TAC in men, but there was no significant trend in women. Intakes of total flavonoids and carotenoids were significantly negatively correlated with GGT (p < 0.05) and d-ROMs (p < 0.01) in men, whereas those of ${\alpha}$-tocopherol (p < 0.05) and ${\gamma}$-tocopherol (p < 0.05) were positively correlated with biological antioxidant potential (BAP) in women. The odds ratio of high oxidative stress indices and abnormal metabolic markers according to TAC level were not significant in either men or women. Conclusion: The results show that dietary TAC was partially associated with oxidative stress and metabolic markers among patients with metabolic syndrome. Further research is required for elucidating the association between dietary TAC and incidence of metabolic syndrome and chronic diseases within a large population in prospective studies.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
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• v.12 no.6
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• pp.755-762
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to compare the FA(faractional anisotropy) and ADC(apparent diffusion coefficient) values, which were derived from diffusion tensor imaging in breast cancer patients. The diffusion gradient used in this study was derived from quantitative diffusion indices using 20 directions(b-value, 0 and $1,000s/mm^2$). Quantitative analysis was analyzed using Pearson's correction and qualitative analysis using for correction coefficients. As a result, $FA_{min}$, $FA_{mean}$ and $FA_{max}$ were $0.098{\pm}0.065$, $0.302{\pm}0.142$ and $0.634{\pm}0.236$, respectively(p > 0.05). The $ADC_{min}$, $ADC_{mean}$ and $ADC_{max}$ were $0.741{\pm}0.403$, $1.095{\pm}0.394$ and $1.530{\pm}0.447$, respectively(p > 0.05). The $FA_{min}$, $FA_{mean}$, and $FA_{max}$ mean values were $0.132{\pm}0.050$, $0.418{\pm}0.094$, and $0.770{\pm}0.164$ for Category 6 and Kinetic Curve Pattern III, respectively. $ADC_{min}$, $ADC_{mean}$, and $ADC_{max}$ were $0.753{\pm}0.189$, $1.120{\pm}0.236$, and $1.615{\pm}0.372$, respectively. Quantitative analysis showed negative correlation between $ADC_{mean}-FA_{mean}$ and $ADC_{max}-FA_{max}$(p = 0.001, 0.003). The qalitative analysis showed ADC 0.628(p = 0.001), FA 0.620(p = 0.001) in the internal evaluations, ADC 0.677(p = 0.001), FA 0.695(p = 0.001) in external evaluations. In conclusion, based on the morphological examination, time to signal intensity graph is the form of wash-out(pattern III) in the dynamic contrast enhance examination, As a result, the $ADC_{mean}$ $1.120{\pm}0.236$ and $FA_{mean}$ values were $0.032{\pm}0.142$ with a negative correlation (Y=1.44-1.12X). Therefore, If we understand the shape of time to signal intensity graph and the relationship between ADC and FA, It will be a criterion for distinguishing malignant diseases in breast cancer.

• Journal of Life Science
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.1-10
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• 2022

Natural products have gained increasing attention due to their advantage of long-term safety and low toxicity for a very long time. Torreya nucifera is widespread in southern Korea and Jeju Island and its seeds are commonly used as edible food. Oriental ingredients have often been reported for their insecticidal, antioxidant and antibacterial properties, but there have not yet been any studies on their antidiabetic effect. In this study, we investigated several biological activities of T. nucifera pericarp (TNP) and seeds (TNS) extracts and proceeded to characterize the antidiabetic compounds of TNS. The initial results suggested that TNS extract at 15 and 10 ㎍/ml concentration has inhibitory effects on α-glucosidase and protein tyrosine phosphatase 1B, that is 14.5 and 4.35 times higher than TNP, respectively. Thus, the stronger antidiabetic TNS was selected for the subsequent experiments to characterize its active compounds. Ultrafiltration was used to determine the apparent molecular weight of the active compounds, showing 300 kDa or more. Finally the mixture was then partially purified using Diaion HP-20 column chromatography by eluting with 50~100% methanol. Therefore we concluded that the active compounds of TNS have potential as therapeutic agents in functional food or supplemental treatment to improve diabetic diseases.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.89-99
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• 2023

Objectives : In this study, elderly hospitalized patients aged 65 years or older who were admitted to a university hospital and referred to the department of psychiatry were classified into youngest-old, middle-old, and oldest-old. It was conducted to find out what factors contribute to the agitation pattern by age group, whether there is a difference in the factors, and whether there is a difference in the severity of the agitation pattern. Methods : From July 1, 2021 to December 31, 2021, the medical records of patients aged 65 years or older who were referred to the department of psychiatry were retrospectively reviewed. Age, gender, route of hospitalization, department of referral, reason for referral, treatment method, presence of internal and surgical diseases, and hematological test data were investigated. Results : There was a significant correlation with the RASS score in cases of surgery referral and high CRP levels for youngest-old aged 65 to 74 years, in cases of surgery referral, dementia and hyponatremia for middle-old aged 75 to 84 years, in case of dementia for oldest-old aged 85 years old or older. In addition, there were differences in the severity of agitation patterns between age groups. Conclusions : As the age group increases, the agitation of delirium patients becomes more severe, and various factors contributing to the agitation pattern also differ by age group. Therefore, when treating elderly patients with delirium, attention should be paid to factors that may affect agitation depending on age.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.47 no.3
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• pp.356-364
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• 1999

Backgrounds: Previous reports have revealed a high morbidity and mortality in fatal asthma patients, especially those treated in the medical intensive care unit(MICU). But it has not been well known about the predictable factors for the mortality of fatal asthma(F A) with acute respiratory failure. In order to define the predictable factors for the mortality of FA at the admission to MICU, we analyzed the relationship between the clinical parameters and the prognosis of FA patients. Methods: A retrospective analysis of all medical records of 59 patients who had admitted for FA to MICU at a tertiary care MICU from January 1992 to March 1997 was performed. Results: Over all mortality rate was 32.2% and 43 patients were mechanically ventilated. In uni-variate analysis, the death group had significantly older age ($66.2{\pm}10.5$ vs. $51.0{\pm}18.8$ year), lower FVC($59.2{\pm}21.1$ vs. $77.6{\pm}23.3%$) and lower $FEV_1$($41.4{\pm}18.8$ vs. $61.l{\pm}23.30%$), and longer total ventilation time ($255.0{\pm}236.3$ vs. $98.1{\pm}120.4$ hour) (p<0.05) compared with the survival group (PFT: best value of recent 1 year). At MICU admission, there were no significant differences in vital signs, $PaCO_2$, $PaO_2/FiO_2$, and $AaDO_2$, in both groups. However, on the second day of MICU, the death group had significantly more rapid pulse rate ($121.6{\pm}22.3$ vs. $105.2{\pm}19.4$ rate/min), elevated $PaCO_2$ ($50.1{\pm}16.5$ vs. $41.8{\pm}12.2 mm Hg$), lower $PaO_2/FiO_2$, ($160.8{\pm}59.8$ vs. $256.6{\pm}78.3 mm Hg$), higher $AaDO_2$ ($181.5{\pm}79.7$ vs. $98.6{\pm}47.9 mm Hg$), and higher APACHE III score ($57.6{\pm}21.1$ vs. $20.3{\pm}13.2$) than survival group (p<0.05). The death group had more frequently associated with pneumonia and anoxic brain damage at admission, and had more frequently developed sepsis during disease progression than the survival group (p<0.05). Multi-variate analysis using APACHE III score and $PaO_2/FiO_2$, ratio on first and second day, age, sex, and pneumonia combined at admission revealed that APACHE III score (40) and $PaO_2/FiO_2$ ratio (<200) on second day were regarded as predictive factors for the mortality of fatal asthma (p<0.05). Conclusions: APACHE III score ($\geq$40) and $PaO_2/FiO_2$ ratio (<200) on the second day of MICU, which might reflect the response of treatment, rather than initially presented clinical parameters would be more important predictable factors of mortality in patients with FA.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.10
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• Journal of Sericultural and Entomological Science
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.34-43
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• 1983

These studies have been carried out to find better locations for sericultural service regardless of the international silk market fluctuation in Korea. In order to acieve the purpose, various investigations and analyses have been carried out for more than four hundred sericultural communities to find out the main factors which caused to decrease in cocoon production in spite of a gloomy past silk market. Now, we believe that we have set up some fundamental guide lines in developing sound serviceable sericultural communities in Korea in case the government accepts the written advices, and the results obtained are as follows: 1. The Korean sericulture has been very prosperous from the 60's to the 70's. In 1976 the cocoon production was at its peak, reaching 41,704M/T from which its decline took place with annual averages of 18.5% for total cocoon production and 16.4% for mulberry field. These figures represent a quantitative decrease to one-third of the total amount in 1976. Since then, the Korean sericulture had continuously suffered from a shortage of raw silk resulting in a slow development of sericulture. At present, a steady development through all possible measures is great importance. 2. The downfall of the korean sericulture resulted from two factors of such as the external, which led to the decline in the price of raw silk at the international market and restrain of import and, the internal, resulting in the little increase of cocoon price and a comparatively lower benefits from the sericulture than from other cash crops. 3. The already established sericultural zone collapsed and then reorganized with the outstanding regional specialization so the decline in total cocoon production in the country. Based on the agricultural regions, 1980 cocoon production was very stable in the mountaineaus area of the east-south which used with intercropping. In this area there was small decline of 33% compare with that of the 1979, and with 70% decline in the dry field farming area of Kangwon Do. In an administrative districtwise, six counties beginning with Sanchnung county of Kyungsang Nam Do, showed less than 20% decline of cocoon production, sixteen counties beginning with Samchuck county of Kangwon Do marked above 80% decrease of cocoon production. In the smaller unit area-wise, there was a big difference among them. twenty-five myons rather increased and a hundrd fourty-three myons decreased above 80% of it. 4. The cocoon production was positively correlated with the decreasing percentage of cocoon production per household. It was also affected by the ratio of the mulberry field area to the total cultivated area per household and cocoon productivity per 10a. 5. Four hundred sixty-four villages in the seventeen counties were surveyed on the basis of farm management and techniques concerned ('80/'79), and then the results were evaluated by using of computer. These results are summarized as foolows: (1) Cocoon production per household There was no difference among the agricultural regions in cocoon production. The cocoon production per household in the comparatively stable villages increased from 100.8kg in 1979 to 122kg in 1981. Cocoon yield in the stable villages decreased by 20% of '81/'79. The cocoon production per house hold in while that of the unstable villages decreased by more than 40% from 102.9kg in 1979 to 82kg in 1981. (2) Cocoon yield per 10a mulberry field The cocoon yield per 10a was higher in the plain area than in the mountaineous area. The stable villages had an average of 73.4kg cocoon yield/10a while the unstabe ones had only an average of 55kg. (3) Adoption the mulberry branch rearing method The branch rearing method was more popular in the plain area than in the mountainous area. In the stable vilages adopted 24.2% in spring and 16.7% in autumn of 1979. In 1981 it shwed increases of 34.3% and 10.1% in the two seasons respectivly. However, the unstable villages showed 13.3% and 126% in both seasons, respectively. (4) The patterns of the combined management system in the sericultural farming The popular management system in the sericultural from was combined with rice and other cash crops, showing 55% of the total households surveyed. Fourteen percent of the households combined the management system with rice and other cash crops and 14% of the households combined with rice only. The villages wich earned less than 20% of the total income from the sericulture reached 81% of the total houscholds indicating that they were still far beyond a complete combination system. (5) Damage by agricultural chemicals The damage caused by agricultural chemicals was mainly due to the protection of rice against insectpests and diseases in the plain areas and took place mostly in the autumn season. The chemicals applied was 65% of Iiquid and 35% of powder forms and 35% of damage was from granulat form of the chemicals. The use of the granular chemicals was low because of high cost.