• Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
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• v.11 no.6
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• pp.483-491
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• 2017

This study investigates the perception of the general public through analysis of various potential risk factors reflecting nuclear power generation and nuclear power (radiation) and risks. A total of 293 copies of the data were collected from various strata in Busan. As a result, among the potential factors in everyday life, there was a high awareness of the risk to the fire. Next, the perception of risk for radiation terror and nuclear (nuclear) energy was relatively high compared to other risk factors. In the analysis according to age, educational background, and political ideological tendency, the results were contradictory to the necessity, risk and safety of nuclear power generation. The potential risk factors and the perception of nuclear power according to the tendency of political ideology were analyzed to be positive recognition of conservative ideology and negative recognition of progressive group. In other words, the perception of nuclear power was analyzed differently according to the tendency of political ideology. Therefore, it should be decided to reflect the opinions of experts and various opinions of the general public in the setting of nuclear radiation (radiation), it is believed that ordinary people need to take flexible action without having a vague sense of anxiety about various potential risks and nuclear power (radiation) based on objective and scientific grounds.

• Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.273-285
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• 2011

This research present actual conditions on realization about safety of observable individual and country, terror countermeasure from danger of terrorism which special guards have. To achieve these purposes, 400 special guards were sampled using the convenience sampling method and collected data through questionnaire from self-administration method. the collected data are in statistics of p<.05 levels. As the result, we drew following conclusions. Special guards thought that terror might occur most in 'aircraft, rapid-transit railway, subway, and bus'. It was no difference in society demography(p>.05). In type of terror, 'bomb terror' seemed to happen most, and they recognized that biochemistry terror and factor terror, and hostage terror may happen in society demography. Purpose of terror was thought that 'political purpose' may be the biggest, and 'ideological purpose' and 'social purpose' joined the remainder. According to society demography, woman's realization about terror was higher than man in two low variables. According to age, image of terror was high in 40 more than 20. According to educational background, university graduate were higher than a high-school diploma in two low variables. According to place of work, metropolis was higher than small and medium-sized city.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.58-65
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• 2015

Compared to pavement of Chinese palace gardens, those of private gardens in south part of the Yangtze River(長江) in China shows variety of patterns. In order to figure out what causes the difference in paving pattern, this article focuses on the traditional Chinese ideologies during the all time. An analysis on 'Classical Gardens of Suzhou', which has been designated as UNESCO World Heritage, was used to determine how ideologies have influence on paving pattern of Classical Gardens. As a result, various Chinese ideologies such as Nature worship, Totemism, Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism, and Folk Culture were found in paving patterns of the private gardens. Pattern of sun in the Retreat & Reflection Garden(Toisawon) is an example of Nature worship among primitive beliefs of ancient China. Phoenix pattern of the Couple's Retreat Garden(Ouyuan, Liuyuan) reflects Totemistic beliefs. Confucianism is the underlying philosophy of Eight Square pattern, Six Square pattern, and Cross Square pattern. These patterns were mainly used to pave large area and easily found in many gardens. Patterns reflect Taoism are "Wufu holding life" pattern(the Five blessing holding life, 五福捧壽), Flat peach pattern, and Alluding Eight Immortals pattern. Paving patterns related to Buddhism are patterns of 'Eight treasures' and Endless knot pattern appears most frequently since it expresses concept of reincarnation well. Paving patterns shows folk culture and beliefs of the time in China are bat, butterfly, dragonfly, frog, carp, and coin(ingot).

• Review of Culture and Economy
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.197-229
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• 2018

This study investigates the social discourse for Korean women's leisure culture and analyzes the conflicts between the ideologies which affected to the women's leisure issues with the social and cultural context. For this purpose, this study analyzed a sum of 652,513 words of 4,614 news articles about Korean women's leisure by applying semantic network analysis. In the 1960s, both the enthusiasm for 'modernization' and 'good wife and wise mother' ideologies were simultaneously affected to women's leisure discourse. 'The good wife and wise mother' ideology have a stronger impact on women's leisure culture in the 1970s. In the 1980s, even though the Korean women had higher education background and advanced social status compared to the former periods, both 'good wife and wise mother' ideology and 'modern career women' ideology conflicted each other. The conflicts between the two ideologies were intensified in the 1990s and the women tended to sacrifice their leisure in the course of the ideological conflicts in the 2000s. In the 2010s, women who exhausted due to the intensified conflicts between the two ideologies showed preference for passive forms of leisure.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.7-28
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• 2016

This study examines the sociocultural background of negritude by delving into Caseríos, Reggaeton, and $Trigue{\tilde{n}}os$, which are interrelated with the racism deeply embedded in Puerto Rican society. These terms have also been discussed in relation to the ideological discourse of racial democracy, which has caused Puerto Rican people to be blind to silenced inequality and hegemonic racial policies. Caseríos, housing projects for the poor urban class, are targeted by the state - sponsored project 'Mano Dura'. Due to the policing, control and surveillance of this anticrime project, Caseríos became perceived even more as residential communities of violence, poverty, and insecurity generally connected to the stigmatization of blackness. Reggaeton emerged as a mega hit genre of transnational Puerto Rican music in the 2000s, which in turn, drew attention to both the afrodiaspora in New York and the urban musical power in the Island. This musical genre serves to highlight the meaningfulness of black heritage in the national cultural identity of Puerto Rico. $Trigue{\tilde{n}}idad$ has recently become a common racial cultural term that embraces a broader racial paradigm of mestizaje. This term can function as an alternative concept of blackness, but it has not yet been transformed into enough cultural politics to resist ongoing racial democracy. The three terms intrinsically address both the uprooted racism and potential methods of challenging it. This paper argues the necessity of stronger and more responsive cultural politics to defy the pervasiveness and invisibility of racial discrimination in Puerto Rico.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.123-132
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• 2019

This paper analyzes the performances of actor Song Kang-Ho in the background of interdisciplinary and integrated film acting, using performance rather than acting as a general term. If the act is a concept limited to acting training or acting skills, performance is a broad concept that includes expressions, movements, and emotions. The performance on the screen can be explained in the context of film and can be extended to the social attitude of acting. In addition, I used the term screen in terms of representation rather than film referring to medium. Song Kang-Ho expressed the performances of various characters in more than 30 films. Although his facial expressions, gestures, and voices suitable for individual characters in various genres are represented in various ways, personality inherent in the actor Song Kang-Ho integrates persona with character. What drives it is the social attitude of screen performance. As a sign, acting is an ideological construct and foregrounds a character who describes a certain social and historical moment. Song Gang-Ho as actor, persona and character, who asserts the popularity, speaks to society and makes discourse. His comic performance is always confronting the tragedy of life, his face is the spirit of the times, and it expands into social meaning. The face of the close-up does not laugh at all, the gesture symbolized by the curved rear view is exaggerated disorderedly and disturbingly, and the voice using dialect accent does not follow the standard of the vocal.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.111-141
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• 2018

By the middle of 2018 there are signs of China's entry into a new period of development, characterized by a change in the old model: "market reforms-inner-party democratization - moderate foreign policy" to another: "market reforms - Xi Jinping personality cult - offensive foreign policy." This model contains the risks of arising of the contradiction between economic freedom and political-ideological rigidity which can lead to destabilization of the political life. However, in the current positive economic dynamics, these risks may come out, rather, in the medium and long term. Today, the political situation in China remains stable - despite growing dissatisfaction in scientific expert and educational circles due to increased control over the intellectual sphere by the authorities. The need for a new redistribution of power between central and provincial authorities could potentially disrupt political stability in the medium term, but, at the moment, is not a critical negative factor. The economic situation is positive-stable. Forecasts indicate a possible increase in China's GDP in 2018 at 6.5%. At the same time, there are negative expectations in connection with the Sino-US and potentially Sino-European "trade war". In the Chinese foreign policy, as a response to Western pressure, China increasingly uses the Russian direction of its diplomacy in the expanded version of Russia + SCO. The nuance here is seen in China's adjusted approach to the SCO: first of all, not as a mechanism for cooperation with Russia, but as an organization that allows using Russia's potential for pressure on the US in the Sino-US strategic rivalry. In the second half of 2018, the Chinese economy will continue to develop steadily, albeit with unresolved traditional problems (debts of provinces and state-owned enterprises, ineffective state sector, risks on the financial and real estate market). In politics, discontent with the cult of Xi will accumulate, but without real threats to its power. Weakening in economic opposition between China and the United States is possible due to Beijing's search for compromises on tariffs, intellectual property, trade deficit. To find such trade-offs, Xi will use the so-called. "Personal diplomacy" of direct contacts with Trump.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.137-167
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• 2024

This study sought to explain the reasons why the civic education bill failed to be enacted as many as 13 times. What we discovered as a result of our research is, first, the absence of a legislative strategy by the minority member of the national assembly on this bills. The Citizenship Education Bill was a controversial bill with great potential for ideological conflict, and after the 19th National Assembly, this bill was promoted by a minority of a specific political party. The Democratic Party's sponsoring lawmakers did not use active legislative strategies, such as exerting influence within the party to have these bills adopted as the party's platform, or developing them into major pledges for the general and presidential elections. Second, there is a consistent passive response from civic groups as well as lawmakers who signed the bill in an unfavorable public opinion environment. During the legislative process, opposing opinions were overwhelming, including concerns about the spread of leftist ideology, waste of budget and organization, and violation of neutrality and fairness in education. In addition, the passive attitude of field teachers and civic groups, who should be in charge of civic education, also served as a background for the legislative failure. Third, due to a lack of sharing of reliable information on recent theoretical research and global policy trends among stakeholders, legislation through an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties failed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.46-56
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• 2012

The research results of tracing the Landscape Philosophy of Hageowon garden(何去園) in Musu-dong, Daejon of Youhwadang, Kwon, Iijin(權以鎭, 1668-1734) is as below. The ideological background of the protagonist reflected in Hageowon is the Hyoje Ideology(filial piety and brotherly love, 孝弟) of Sinjongchuwon(painstakingly caring for one's ancestors), Musil ideology(pursuing ethical diligence and truthful mind, 務實) based on sadistic tradition and ethical rationalism, Confucionist Eunil Ideology(ideology on seclusion, 隱逸) of Cheonghanjiyeon(quiet relaxation, 淸閒之燕), and the Pungryu ideology(appreciation for the arts, 風流) of Taoism in the Taoist style. Thus, by substituting these ideological values into a space called Hageowon, the Byulup gardens(別業) such as the Symbolic garden(象徵園), meaning gaeden(意園), and miniascape garden(縮景園) were able to be constructed. 2) The space organization system of Hageowon is generally classified into three phases considering the hierarchy. The first territory is the transitional space having residential features, which is an area to reach peach tree - road(Taoist world 桃經) from Youhwadang(有懷堂). The second territory is a monumental memorial space where the Yocheondae(繞千臺), Jangwoodam(丈藕潭), Hwagae(花階), and the ancestral graves take place, centering on the yards of Sumanheon(收漫軒), and the third territory is the secluded space in the eastern outer garden where the mountain stream flows from the north to south and which is the vein of the left-hand blue dragon(靑龍) of the guardian mountain of Hageowon. 3) Symbolically, the first phase has symbolized the space as a meaningful scenery by overlapping the Confucionist place of Youhwadang - Gosudae(孤秀臺) - Odeokdae(五德臺), and the mystic world of Jukcheondang(竹遷堂) - peach tree - road(桃徑). The second phase, which is the space of Sumanheon(收漫軒), Yocheondae, and Jangwoodam, the symbolical value of Sinjongchuwon(愼終追遠) and the remembrance and longing for one's parents are reflected. The third phase, which is the eastern outer garden of Hageowon and where the mountain stream flows from the north to south, is composed of the east valley(東溪) - Hwalsudam(活水潭) - Sumi Waterfall(修眉瀑布). More specifically, (1) Mongjeong symbolizes the life of gaining knowledge through studying to realize one's foolishness, (2) Hwalsudam symbolizes a transcending attitude in life refusing to pursue wealth and fame, and (3) Jangwoodam symbolizes the gateway to the fairyland to enter the world of mystic gods. 4) The rationale behind Hageowon is that the two algorithms of Confucionism and Taoist Theory appear repeatedly and in an overlapping way. The Napoji(納汚池) and Hwalsudam, which pertains to the prelude of space development, has symbolized Susimyangseong(修心養成, meditating one's mind and improving one's nature), which is based on ethical rationalism. Moreover, if the Monjeong sphere pertaining to the eastern outer garden of Hageowon takes the Confucionist value system as its theme, including moral training, studying, and researching, Jangwudam, Sumi Waterfalls, and Unwa can be understood as a taste of Cheokbyeon(滌煩, eliminating troubles) for the arts where the mystic world is substituted as a meaningful scenery. 5) The miniascape technique called artificial mountain was substituted to Hageowon to construct a mystic world like the 12 peaks of Mt. Mu(巫山). By borrowing the symbolic meaning expressed in old poems, it has been named 'Habang(1/何放), Hwabong(2, 3/和峯), Chulgun(4, 5, 6/出群), Sinwan(7/神浣), Chwhigyu(8, 9, 10/聚糾), Cheomyo(11/處杳), Giyung(12/氣融).' The representative poet reciting artificial mountain were Wangeui(汪醫), Nosamgang(魯三江), Dubo(杜甫), Hanyou(韓愈), Jeonheaseong(錢希聖), and Beomseokho(范石湖). They related themselves with literature by transcending time and space and attempted to sing about the richness of the mental world by putting the mystic world and culture of appreciating the arts they pursued in the vacation home called Hageowon.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.102-142
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• 2023

The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.