• Journal of Platform Technology
• /
• v.10 no.4
• /
• pp.91-96
• /
• 2022

Recently, the importance of Research and Development(R&D) security as well as R&D investment is emphasized in the flow of technology hegemony competition, where technology is directly related to national competitiveness.However, despite the enormous impact of the R&D security failure results, research output leakage accidents continue to occur.To solve this problem, this study analyzed leakage accidents and cases of R&D output and concluded that it is priory to develop regulations to raise security awareness at the field researcher level rather than the macroscopic security management system. In addition, in order to design the direction of the researcher security measures, observational study was conducted at the university research site, and four directions were presented, including case analysis and integration. The direction for designing researcher security measures will be used as a basis for developing security regulations specialized in future research sites and security management systems for research institutes.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
• /
• v.13 no.2
• /
• pp.47-72
• /
• 2009

Since the Soviet Union collapsed, Russia has been aggressively seeking a role and place in the U.S.-led international order. Russia conditionally cooperated with the U.S. global policy, efforts to protect and expand the national interests in Post-soviet region. In this context, Post-soviet space is the arena of the struggle among the world powers. Especially in Ukraine as the Axis power of Post-soviet space, hegemony conflicts so called 'New Cold War' between Russia and western powers including U.S. have appeared. This paper examines what are Russian military security strategy and policy, how these come to fruition in Ukraine, what are important factors of complications and its aspect.

• Informatization Policy
• /
• v.30 no.1
• /
• pp.89-108
• /
• 2023

Science, technology and innovation (STI) has expanded the activity of actors from the traditional physical territory to the cyberspace. Data-driven platform services and markets advance new discussions on cross-border cooperation and cyber security, as well as discourse on sovereignty in cyberspace. These changes are also affecting the hegemony competition between the US and China. In particular, competition for aid to developing countries that are located along major resource transportation routes, such as natural gas and deep sea resources, is fierce. ASEAN is not only a geopolitical military and security point where the US and China powers collide, but its population of 600 million has great potential for the development of the digital economy due to its data resources. In this regard, this article aims to connect the discourse of liberalism and authoritarianism with data regulation and cybersecurity in international development cooperation, and derive implications for ASEAN integration through this. This study has significance as a convergence study that links international political issues related to big data in terms of global governance.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
• /
• v.58 no.5
• /
• pp.943-974
• /
• 2012

This paper aims to suggest the compromising vision of nature and technology as the solution to get out of the globally accelerated technology environment in Don DeLillo's Cosmopolis. This novel intends to emphasize on the importance of physical environment as a precondition for the survival of human. Eric wants to be a posthuman with the cybernetic idea, pursuing to be the digital self in a vast biosphere that integrates both the nature and the technology. His obsessive worship of technology through his quest for the futurity results in the effacement of the humanity and the insulation from the nature. Cosmopolis is DeLillo's first 9/11 novel, which describes a young-billionaire asset manager Eric's one-day life in New York in April 2000. Eric can be the third Twin Tower as a symbol of global economic hegemony. By the allusion of the 9/11 catastrophic event, it can be said that Eric's fall is caused by his hubris and avarice as a global capitalist. Crossing the 47th Street toward the West in his limousine, his journey is revealed as the environmental reflections on his desires to attain the futurity and transcendence by technology. This novel cautions that the abuse of technology can bring out the obsolescence and erasure of the humanity and the nature. DeLillo suggests that the best hope for the evolutionary possibility of posthuman can be realized through the correlation with nature and technology. This future-oriented novel warns that the excessive technology should not lead to the disappearance of community and humanity, and the separation of self and nature. It admonishes that they should not follow pseudo-cosmopolitanism as the greedy world citizens, devoting on the velocity of newest technology. This novel recommends that humans should be the world citizen of global ecosystem, making the ameliorative environment through the correlation with self/environment and technology/nature, and gardening the restorative biosphere and the younger planet.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
• /
• v.56 no.2
• /
• pp.187-217
• /
• 2010

By reading the main character, Rene Gallimard, in M. Butterfly as a spatial metaphor of America, this article examines how homogeneous American national identity of heterosexuality and white masculinity has been reinforced since the cold war and has constituted a crisis of hegemony with the decline of imperialism and how its pathological symptom is shown through the melancholic suicide of Gallimard. This article also argues how the feminine attributes implied in race, gender and sexuality in M. Butterfly are designated and allegorized as an impure, contaminated and ahistorical marker of national integrity in pthe social and material status of the heterosexual American white male. To develop my argument, I read M. Butterfly from a psychoanalytic point of view. Therefore I depend on Freud, Lacan, and Bhabha's psychoanalysis as the theoretical basis. In this paper, I also argue that the homogenized and fixed national identity is splitted and collapsed from within as shown in the Gallimard's melancholy and in the process of splitting the "Third Space" of hybrid subjects for the marginal and the emergent like Song Liling, a homosexual Asian man, can be built "from a space in-between." Therefore Hwang calls into questions conventions of fixed, essentialist identities through the shifting gender identities between Song and Gallimard in M. Butterfly and how identities in the plural are constructed variously in throughly historicized, politicized situations, and these constructions can be complicated by relations of power.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.8 no.1
• /
• pp.17-53
• /
• 2016

Debates continue to multiply on the definition and rationale of Southeast Asia as a region and on the utility of the multidisciplinary field of area studies. However, we have now entered a post-colonialist, post-Orientalist, post-structuralist stage of reflection and re-orientation in the era of globalization, and a strong tendency on the part of insiders to pose these issues in terms of an insider-outsider dichotomy. On the one hand, the study of Southeast Asia for researchers from outside the region has become fragmented. This is for very obvious reasons: the strengthening and re-energizing of academic disciplines, the increasing popularity of other non-regional multidisciplinary studies, and the entry of globalization studies into our field of vision. On the other hand, how has the local Southeast Asian academy addressed these major issues of change in conceptualizing the region from an insider perspective? In filling in and giving substance to an outsider, primarily Euro-American-Australian-centric definition and vision of Southeast Asia, some local academics have recently been inclined to construct Southeast Asia in terms of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN): a nation-state-based, institutional definition of what a region comprises. Others continue to operate at a localized level exploring small-scale communities and territories, while a modest number focus on sub-regional issues (the Malay-Indonesian world or the Mekong sub-region are examples). However, further reflections suggest that the Euro-American-Australian hegemony is a thing of the past and the ground has shifted to a much greater emphasis on academic activity within the region. Southeast Asia-based academics are also finding it much more important to network within the region and to capture, understand, and analyze what Chinese, Japanese, and Korean scholars are saying about Southeast Asia, its present circumstances and trajectories, and their increasingly close involvement with the region within a greater Asia-Pacific rim. The paper argues that the insider-outsider dichotomy requires considerable qualification. It is a neat way of dramatizing the aftermath of colonialism and Orientalism and of reasserting local priorities, agendas, and interests. But there might be a way forward in resolving at least some of these apparently opposed positions with recourse to the concepts of culture and identity in order to address Southeast Asian diversities, movements, encounters, hybridization, and hierarchies.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.1 no.2
• /
• pp.13-30
• /
• 2017

Referred to as a 'media war,' there is a fierce competition for media discourse between different countries. Twenty four hour global news channels like Al Jazeera, France 24, RT, NHK World, China's CCTV and teleSUR emerged to offer their own perspectives and stance in the global society, and to face the monopolization and distorted information created by the hegemony of English news channels which have swayed international public opinions for a long time. As a tool of public diplomacy, the media's role in determining the image of the nation and winning the 'Hearts and Minds' of the international community is decisive, but it cannot be said that they all have a similar influence or play a positive role in media diplomacy. A global news channel, which is both a media diplomatic subject and a journalism organization, can be in the position of acting as a public relations organization or a propaganda agency for the government depending on the regime's attitude because most of global news channels receive support from the government. Sometimes it is difficult for these media to implement quality journalism because of financial difficulties. Media discourse also has limitations in that it is dependent upon changes in foreign policy of its own government. This study examines the current status of global news channels, the dilemma these channels are facing, and suggests some potential directions that can be taken by global news channels in order to become more effective. It is becoming increasingly important for all nations to respond to distorted information about their own countries, to appropriately identify various issues and changes in the international community and to convey their views and positions to the international community. For now, there is a lack of awareness about the importance of media diplomacy in Korea: There are many English-language media, but as yet no global news channel which could have an influence on the international stage. However, there seems to be some understanding about the need for the media to present the Korean alternative discourse to the senseless dependency on Western media. We hope that this study will be an opportunity to think in depth about the attitude of the Korean global media, whether existing global media or new global news channels, in order to help them become more effective in media diplomacy.

• Maritime Security
• /
• v.8 no.1
• /
• pp.73-102
• /
• 2024

The recent rise of China has the potential to intensify competition for hegemony between the U.S. and China. China is strengthening its influence in the region through maritime military actions represented by Anti-Access/Area Denial(A2/AD). The U.S. is establishing a new concept of operation to respond to China's A2/AD and achieve superiority in the U.S - China competition. In particular, this study focused on the U.S. Marine Corps' contribution to naval operations as a means of sea denial through Expeditionary Advanced Base Operation(EABO), which mainly centered on islands, and changes to strengthen its influence in the sea. By applying these changes in the U.S. Marine Corps to the ROK Marine Corps, the future direction of the ROK Marine Corps' offensive island area operations that can contribute to joint and naval operations was suggested. This study is meaningful in that it presents the ROK Marine Corps' offensive island area operations using the strategic value of the island from the perspective of sea denial. However, by presenting the direction of operational performance and military power construction / development conceptually, specific discussions of this aspect are needed in the future. I hope that this study will be the starting point.

• 기호학연구
• /
• no.57
• /
• pp.91-120
• /
• 2018

This study was contemplated about an aspects of modernity that was discovered of ImcheonByeolgok(林川別曲) written by Okgukjae Lee, Un-young in 18th Century. It was composed time that unprecedented state in the 18th century. So, I considered that Modernity was the most appeared at 18th Century. During this period, Changes has happened in ideology and system in terms of politics, economy, society and culture. This change is the beginning of a new modern consciousness. There is also a tendency to think of Imcheonbyeolgok as the autobiographical story of Lee, Yun-young. It seems that Lee, Yun-young has a progressive scholarly thought, but he did not reveal his own situation by insulting him. Therefore, I am not realistically valid for being able to see it as an autobiographical story that he actually experienced. Also, although ImcheonByeolgok is known as a love song, it is hard to see it as a love song because its satirical features are strong. and It is characterized by the peculiar form of narrative being described as a dialogue. I picked two aspects of modernity in ImcheonByeolgok. One is resistance to love and desire, and the other is disintegration of the order of identity. The two aspects of this paper were presented as Greimas's Actant Model. ImcheonByeolgok is the result of efforts to show the changing modern Joseon Dynasty's elements in the form of resistance and resistance to Joseon's feudal society, such as Confucian ideology and identity systems. Thus, I suggested the corrupt ruling class of Joseon's feudal society and the exploited working class life as an old living and a grandmother instead of 'resistance' and 'disposal' in the 18th century. The criticism of traditional feudal societies that emerged in the 18th century turned out to be a hegemony that distinguishes the Middle Ages from the Modern Age, which resulted in differences between the ages before and after the 18th century. Although these hegemony were not clearly distinguished in household literature in the 18th century, it was established and developed in the 19th century. I suggested that Lim's Star Song was an important work that played an important role in bringing about this change.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.21 no.3
• /
• pp.427-449
• /
• 2015

Network governance can be defined as collaborative process to develop a new socio-political order through civil society centered networking with government and market, and the term 'collaborative governance' can be used in a sense that the basis of governance is collaborative process. In particular, it can be stressed that collaborative governance between regions need double collaborative processes, that is, collaboration between local governments and collaboration between local government and local civil society within a region. Yet, the collaboration as a core element of collaborative governance should not be seen as a pure normativity presupposing confidence and reciprocity, but as a strategy based on competition and antagonism. The normativity implied in the concept of collaborative governance may not realized in actual process, and tends to be mobilized as a rationale for justifying neoliberal strategies. In order to overcome such limits of collaborative governance, the concept of collaborative governance should be reconstructed. This paper suggests that collaborative governance can be seen as hegemonic governing process in a Gramcian sense operating in the government plus civil society, and that, radicalizing Ostrom's concept, it also can be seen as a governing process producing polycentricity by self-regulating subjects. Finally, collaborative governance between regions needs expansion of material basis for economic complementarity and construction of infrastructure as well as a discursive process in order to enhance connectivity between them.