• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.259-277
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• 2021

This article investigates the geopolitics of the energy transition era, concentrating on China's solar photovoltaic (PV) industry. Authors have noted that the rise of renewables is changing the geopolitical landscape of world energy systems, but these new energy sources carry their own technical characteristics and geopolitical implications. Bearing this in mind, this research answers the questions: What are the structural factors that facilitate China's use of renewable energy to achieve political goals, and what are their implications? In order to analyze the data, I devise an analytical framework based on the energy statecraft literature and contrast rival explanations, particularly the "prosumer theory" and the premise of less geopolitical interdependence in a renewable-centered world. I show that asymmetric interdependence in the solar PV sector is already a reality. China's solar PV industry is a case that suffices all conditions (centrality in industrial capacity, market share, and companies' compliance, but to a lesser extent in critical materials and technological endowments) in the solar PV sector to devise effective strategies aimed at reaping benefits out of its asymmetric interdependence with the rest of the world.

• Proceedings of the National Institute of Ecology of the Republic of Korea
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.82-95
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• 2021

Current international negotiation and cooperation for sustainable development are focused on three main themes. The first theme is implementation of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The second theme is development of measures for climate change. The third theme is sustainable management of biodiversity and ecosystem services. In South Korea, responses of government policies and academic studies have been predominantly to one of these three themes. There have not been many integrated efforts to develop countermeasures considering all three international themes. In addition, while "green growth" policies have been setting national agendas for Korea's sustainable development, they must be scrutinized such as why they have not dealt with some parts of these three themes and whether they have ignored one of these themes due to lack of integrated responses. This study finds critical issues in South Korea on how to harmoniously respond to the three themes of international efforts and improve green growth policies. First, to achieve SDGs, the domestic statistical system must be reorganized to track the achievement of "inclusiveness" and "green growth". Second, the climate change response policy should seek inclusion between countries and between social groups. Third, in the field of biodiversity and ecosystem services, it is necessary to establish Korea's identity in global geopolitics and enhance its own traditional ecological knowledge. Fourth, it is necessary to consider how to solve discrepancy between climate change response policies and biodiversity-ecosystem service management policies. Finally, proactive improvement of laws and institutions must occur to promote inclusive green growth.

• Strategy21
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• s.38
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• pp.47-82
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• 2015

To control the sphere, it required a strategic understanding to sphere and a power for overcome to it. In the early 20th century, the Pacific-War is a confrontation between the U.S. and the Japan for holding supremacy a pacific ocean sphere, building on maritime geopolitical perception. The Pacific ocean is a large of sphere, so if a country pursues a Pacific region supremacy, it needs a strategic perception and capability to control the sphere. After the U.S. has unified the continental, it has formed geopolitical perception in the Pacific ocean and by the way to control the Pacific ocean selected a naval power. The U.S. must have overcome a Pacific sphere for getting through to the Pacific region, this concept has developed the War Plan Orange(war plan relations with the Japan). Meanwhile, at this point of time, the Japan has recognized to a geopolitical point of view about security environment in the Pacific ocean. like as the U.S. has the War Plan Orange in mind for building on geopolitical perception of the Pacific ocean, the Japan also has learned geopolitical perception from the U.S. Because of this, the Japan has established the Interception-Attrition strategy(war plan relations with the U.S.). If we don't have overcome a sphere of the Pacific ocean, we don't hold hegemony of the Asia-Pacific region. So the analysis of perspective maritime geopolitics about the Pacific war is a meaningful study.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.137-162
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• 2018

This paper covers the issues including geopolitical effects of sea power on sea space in East Asia and its nature in a perspective of the past and the present. This paper analyzes the significance of Sea Power which is emphasized in Mahan's Theory of Insular Dominance and grasps the geopolitical nature of Sea Power. Along with this awareness, it deals with the problem of designated strategic phenomenon that is spreading to the Pacific Ocean with the concept of the Island Chain in China in the 21st century. Around the turn of 20th century, Japan materialized the policy of Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere which was planned to expand power sphere in sea space in the East Asia based on sea power and China took shape of the concept of Island Chain in the 21st century, which has divided sea space in East Asia. Under the circumstance that China's policy of island chain faced the resistance from countries in the East Asia as well as the USA, the question about whether Korea's policy of depending on sea power is valuable even in the 21st century has been raised.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38 no.6
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• pp.887-905
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• 2003

In this paper, we first understand the concept of imperialism as a 'a dialectical relation between territorial and capitalistic logics of power', as suggested by Harvey, and its history with three phases, the last of which would be seen as the phase of new imperialism. Secondly, we examine the New Security Strategy of the U.S which can be seen as a reflection of the new imperialism of the U.S. with its neo-conservative Bush administration, and explain the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq as the implementation of the new imperialism. And then we take a close look on the current geopolitical situation of East Asia, especially North and South Korea, Japan and China, in terms of the new imperialist foreign policy of the Bush administration. Finally, we consider the limits of the new imperialism of the U.S. and globally emerging movements of anti-imperialism.

• Strategy21
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• s.44
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• pp.142-176
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• 2018

So far, the main threat to South Korea was North Korea. That is why South Korea established a strategy based on the threat of North Korea and most of the budget on defense was used to deter North Korea. Even though the neighboring countries(China, Japan, and Russia) are growing as a real threat with abilities and intentions based on their powerful naval forces, South Korea has not yet been able to establish a strategy that regards neighboring countries as a threat. But the decades-old structural mechanism of the Korean security environment is undergoing a radical change on April 27, 2018, through the South-North summit and the Panmunjom Declaration. Under the changing security environment, South Korea was placed in a complicated dilemma that had to deal with threats of two axes(China), three axes(China, Japan), and four axes(Japan, Russia). If the one axis threat(North Korea) is dominated by land threats, the second, third and fourth axis threats are threats from the sea. This paper analyzed the maritime strategy of Korea within the framework of maritime-geopolitics, in other words recognition and expansion of the sphere of maritime. I have designed that the maritime defense space that we can deny from threats is divided into three lines of defense: 1 line (radius 3,000km), 2 lines (2,000km), and 3 lines (1,000km). The three defense zones of the three lines were defined as an active defense(1 line), defensive offense(2 line), active offense(3 line). The three defense zones of the three lines were defined as the sphere of core maritime, As a power to deny the sphere of core maritime, it was analyzed as a maneuvering unit, a nuclear-powered submarine, the establishment of missile strategy, and the fortification of islands station. The marine strategy of South Korea with these concepts and means was defined as 'Offensive Maritime Denial Strategy'.

• Transactions of the Korean hydrogen and new energy society
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• v.33 no.5
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• pp.470-498
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• 2022

Recently, the world has been considering hydrogen energy as the primary energy transition means to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050. In order to achieve the goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions, Korea is also promoting a clean hydrogen economy. However, it is necessary to introduce various clean hydrogen from overseas so that the projected demand can not meet the domestically produced. For this study, we conducted the policy comparison approach between countries other than the generally considered technical and economic approaches. The finding proposes the direction of bilateral cooperation for a strategy of securing overseas clean hydrogen from a geopolitical perspective. Germany was a target country for the policy comparison since it has a high proportion of manufacturing, like Korea, and is taking the lead in the renewable-based energy transition policy. According to the survey and analysis of the policy establishment status and new projects of the two countries, Germany is promoting bilateral international cooperation in the hydrogen area with about 33 countries based on 7 types of activities. In comparison, Korea is involved in bilateral cooperation with about 12 countries on relatively few activities. Among the types of bilateral cooperation, R&D cooperation with advanced countries for hydrogen technology was a common activity type. Germany preemptively promotes cooperation for demonstration and commercialization, considering geopolitical means and strengthening manpower training and assistance on policy and regulation to preoccupy the market for the future. Therefore, it is necessary to consider establishing a network of an entire life cycle of supply and demand network that links the future market with securing clean hydrogen considering the geopolitical distribution. To this end, Korea also needs to expand bilateral cooperation countries by activity type, and it seems necessary to seek various geopolitical-based bilateral cooperation and support measures for developing countries to diversify the supply sources of hydrogen.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.5
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• pp.793-820
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• 2009

The studies of correspondence between novel and nation-state, among which The Rise of the Novel by Ian Watt is supposed to be the first book, have flourished for more than twenty years, encouraged by Benedict Anderson's and Cathy Davidson's works. According to them, the novel should come simultaneously with, or after the foundation of the nation-state, and testify to its production or the emergence of its subject/citizen. This paper questions about these prepositions, trying to introduce a new paradigmatical approach, "between global and transnational historical approach," to first novels in transatlantic areas including England and atlantic coastal areas. In its complex relation to a variety of colonial, post-colonial, and transnational geopolitics, various cultural practices such as history, traveler's tales and epistolary novels can be included in the genre of the novel. The idea of the sexual contract by Carole Pateman is very useful because it helps more clearly understand the nature of relation between men and women in the capitalist reproduction, while the social contract tells about the relation between men as citizens. Unlike Freud in Totem and Taboo, Zilboorg argues that there were primordial and violent scenes such as rape before the first sexual contract. This paper will illuminate that "the rise of the novel" corresponded with the emergence of the sexual contract. In the so-called first novel Pamela, the heroine Pamela was threatened to be violated by Mr. B., and was really even confined in his cottage. Mary Rowlandson's The Captive Narrative shows that her body was confined as an English female captive, and troubled with imaginary rape by Indians which resulted in the unequal sexual contract between her and her puritan community in America. However, Leonora Sansay's Secret History in an alternative communality, which was not a nation-state, was different from both novels mentioned above, in that it shows the possibility of emancipation from their unequal marriage, the sexual contract. Therefore, it can be argued that "between global and transnational historical approach" has a possibility to provide a new vision of global sisterhood and solidarity to recognize globalized women's violence, and free themselves from the unequal sexual contract.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.267-286
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• 2017

The main purpose of this paper is to identify the spatiality of North Korea and China border regions through investigating the exceptional characteristics of the regions with the concept of positionality, which allows us to realize the relative position between subject and object. Border regions could be identified appropriately by considering the concept of switching positionality, as it is a kind of multiple space in which its sudden closure and opening should be configured in accordance with geopolitical and geoeconomic changes centering around border line. The main arguments of this research concerned with border regions with the concept of switching positionality are fallen into three. Firstly, changes in border regions should be analyzed by investigating more broader contexts and conjunctural perspectives, and even an internal condition stemmed from locality. Secondly, trajectories of border regions could be analyzed by the assemblages of various powers. Finally, the positionality of economic actors should be examined by identifying dynamic relations between geoeconomics and geopolitics. In particular, the concept of positionality has led to a number of insights into discussions on time-space, and spatiality in relational-dialectical, socio-spatial, and power-topological perspectives. Based upon this concept of positionality, the research has identified exceptional characteristics in North Korea and China border regions. It argues that the exceptionality of the region has stemmed from the intersection between the unstability of geopolitical security and various geoeconomic benefits.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.369-387
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• 2017

This research derived sum of light (SOL) for Liaoning and Dandong, China, from DMSP OLS satellite images acquired at nighttime during 1992 to 2012 and investigated its potential association with economic status. The SOLs of Liaoning were found to be continuously increasing and higher than those of averages for the other provinces across the time period. The temporal pattern of SOLs would be interpreted to well reflect the economic status of this region based on real growth rate and average wage per capita. Nevertheless, the SOLs of Dandong were lower than the average of the other prefecture-level cities, which indicated the economic status of this city in China. Meanwhile, the average annual growth rate of SOLs for Dandong turned out to be increase for 1998~2007, compared with the previous years, and temporal patterns in the trade amount between North Korea and China and the export amount of North Korea to China were similar to those of SOLs in the same time period. The political association between South and North Koreas was improved with 'Sunshine Policy' during 1997~2007. Taking it into account, SOL is expected to be valuable spatial proxy index that could explain the geopolitcal and geoeconomic aspects of Dandong.