• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.1371-1376
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• 2012

Background: Economic status is known to be directly or indirectly related to cancer incidence since it affects accessibility to health-related social resources, preventive medical checkups, and lifestyle. This study investigates the relationship between cancer incidence and family income in Korea. Methods:Using the Korean National Health Insurance cancer registration data in 2009, the relationship between their family income class and cancer risk was analyzed. The age-standardized incidence rates of the major cancers were calculated for men and women separately. After adjusting for age, residential area, and number of family members, cancer risks for major cancers according to family income class were estimated using a logistic regression model. Results: In men, the risk of stomach cancer for Income Class 5 (lowest) was 1.12 times (95% CI 1.02-1.23) higher than that of Income Class 1 (highest), for lung cancer 1.61 times (95% CI 1.43-1.81) higher, for liver cancer 1.22 times (95% CI 1.08-1.37) higher, and for rectal cancer 1.37 times higher (95% CI 1.18-1.59). In women, the risk of stomach cancer for Income Class 5 was 1.22 times higher (95% CI 1.08-1.37) than that for Income Class 1, while for cervical cancer it was 2.47 times higher (95% CI 2.08-2.94). In contrast, in men, Income Class 1 showed a higher risk of thyroid cancer and prostate cancer than that of Income Class 5, while, in women the same was the case for thyroid cancer. Conclusions: The results show the relationship between family income and cancer risk differs according to type of cancer.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.4
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• pp.191-216
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• 2007

This study focuses on the problem of feminization of poverty that is formed within family relations. In order to approach this question, this study analyses the process of becoming poor through the life stories of ten woman are now heads of a household. There are differences among the study participants in the process of becoming a member of a low-income class. I have classified them into two groups depending on the routes they are led into the low-income class; one is the continuation of poverty group, and the other is the new members of the low-income class group. The continuation of poverty group is the case where they have been poor since their childhood and are still poor in their adulthood. The new members of the low-income class group is the case where you have become a low-income class sometime around divorce. The difference of the groups are related to the differences of the ways the power relationships work within a family. Women head of a household are prone to poverty because of the discrimination in formation, distribution and control of resources in their original family and their family formed by marriage. The norm of male breadwinner worked as a discrimination device. But this kind of discrimination device showed differences in their workings according to class. The continuation of poverty group experienced exclusion in the gendered responsibility of supporting the family and maintaining the family, whereas the other group experienced exclusion through the gendered nature of the distribution and control of resources. By showing that the presupposition of discussions on the poverty of woman head of a household is false, these findings challenge the existing view that as long as 'The Family' is maintained women will not be poor.

• The Korean Journal of Community Living Science
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.205-221
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• 2009

My concern was to explore how the Korean 'wild geese families' functioned to maintain 'familyhood' in spite of spatial separation by using a qualitative approach. I used personal narratives from eleven 'geese mothers' living in the United States. Family paths across time were analyzed to understand their complicated nature. Respondents adopted some coping strategies to obtain the flexibility and the stability for relocating their transnational lives. These were 1) communications, 2) relocation of household work, and 3) reinterpretation of 'sacrifice.' It seemed that their family paths become either the continuous type (prolong their stay) or the discontinuous type (not prolong their stay). These were shaped by complex individual, familial, and social forces which affected differently according to the steps of family life cycles. Therefore, this study showed that the Korean 'wild geese family' did not move toward the uni-direction with the same experiences and nature. More importantly, it is noteworthy to acknowledge that the prevalence of 'wild geese family' reveals the dynamic interactive nature of the family, i.e., actively responding to the changes and challenges from the diverse circumstances. It is inferred that the social and cultural factors such as the class mobility, the education system, and the values may influence the family life style.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.22
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• pp.297-312
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• 1994

Today though the word ginyoe(gisaeng) was remained as a historic relic but they were firmly existed about 40 years ago and ginyoe's number was about three million in Chosun it's almost near 0.5% of the total population of Chosun. To think that point the ginyoe's so-ciety was considered a special one in the his-tory of Korean woman. The ginyoe as a special social class were specialize in technical art such as dancing and prostitute. Although they were low class they were luxurious slaves whoses clothing was almost equal to that of royal family. They were the leaders of fashion in woman clothing that's because their role was entertainer, This study can be summarized as follows. First ginyoe and public woman's clothing codes were nearly same in koryo but tatally separated in chosun. I could find that was came from those day's moral sprit. Second ginyoe's clothing was not only have luxuriance like royal family but also have unique clothing codes for them. Though they are low class ginyoe could use upper class's clothing codes. But upper class women could'nt use ginyoe's clothing codes are vary various and have their own clothing codes. Third I analyzed ginyoe's clothing codes and then derived 6 ginyoe's clothing messages. They were symbol of wealth symbol of power symbol of occupational function symbol of sexual attraction symbol of social position symbol of freedom.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.161-178
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• 2001

This study investigates how Korean traditional family consciousness interacts with Korean industrialization in the 1970s. In Our Children, Lee Sun depicts a family's struggle within the turmoil brought about by rapid industrialization to escape from the ranks of the working class. It is well known that one of the consequences of industrialization was the breakup of the larger family structure into nuclear families, but Lee Sun presents Korea's industrialization in the 1970s in the light of the traditional Korean family culture before the breakup. In other words, he gives us a portrayal of Gemeinschaft in Gesellschaft in his description of the extended family's struggle to overcome the day-to-day pressures of modernization and urbanization. The novel presents three generations of a traditional extended family. The eldest son is portrayed as a knife, strong and sharp. His wife has a temporary job that she hopes to give up once they own a house, which symbolizes the family's escape from the working class. The relationship among the family members reveals the core aspects of the ideology governing traditional extended families: the husband is the despotic monarch of the household, solely responsible for the family's economy; the husband is the sky and the wife the earth; and children (the more the better) are expected to lead to stability, welfare, and prosperity. One curious aspect of this family relationship as portrayed by Lee Sun is the expectation that being the eldest son, who already is or will become the patriarch of the family, is the fastest way of reaching middle-class status. And, despite a slight reversal, the novel has a happy ending wherein the family's expectations are fulfilled without much suffering. This aspect should be considered in light of the revolutionary romantic idealism of the novels of the 1930s. The lack of suffering and the easy happy ending may be attributed to the fact that Korea's industrialization came about rapidly and radically, and therefore it is likely that Lee Sun was not able fully to appreciate the full costs of industrialization. This limitation calls for a deeper investigation into the social structure and class consciousness of the 1970s, and also a study of the intertextual relationship of Our Children with other novels of the time.

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.311-331
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• 1997

This study investigated the relationship between preschool children's social competence and perceived social support. The subjects were 85 children enrolled in 10 kindergartens and nurseries located in Seoul. Social support was assessed by children themselves with a social support dialogue Cask, "My Family and Friends," developed by Reid, Lamdegman, and Jaccard (1989). This task consists of 12 dialogues based on Vygotskian principles. Social competency was assessed by teachers with a slightly modified version of Song's Iowa Social Competency Scale (ISCS). The data were analyzed by frequencies percentiles, mean, one-way ANOVAs, and Pearson's correlations. Results showed that (1) Children perceived parents to be the best multi-purpose social providers: mothers for emotional support and fathers for instrumental support. (2) Children with unemployed mothers perceived higher maternal emotional, informational, and instrumental support than children with employed mothers. (3) Middle-class children perceived higher friendship support than upper-or lower-class children. (4) Friendship support was the one variable most significantly related to children's social competence.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.23 no.3 s.75
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• pp.169-183
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• 2005

The present study purposed to identify differences and similarities in traditional residential space among Korea. China and Japan, which share similar social structure, and to make a comparative analysis on differences in traditional residential space according to family relation in the three countries. For these Purpose, this study selected residences, which are similar to one another in terns of time, class and economy and analyzed them using their floor plans and photographs. The results of this research are as follows. Knrea, China and Japan, all of which have family-centered social structure, separate their residential space from the external society and particularly women's space is placed inside men's space or in a secluded area. The most remarkable characteristic of residential space in Korea is the division of living spare between men and women. Space is allocated according to the hierarchical order of families. In this way, the position or order of family members is reflected in the use of space. Characteristically in China based on the large-family system each family is given a space for independent life. Particularly as the relation among brothers is emphasized, space is allocated equally to all brothers but the status of a space is determined by the order of the residents. Residential space in Japan is organized to emphasize the absolute authority and status of the head of the family. As the space is planned focused on the family head's daily life and guest reception, the relation among other family members is ignored. That is, Japanese residence is a social space for the family head's guest reception, Chinese residence is a family-centered space rather than a social space, and Korean residence accommodates both space for family life and social space.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.141-162
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• 2014

The purpose of this research is to suggest some measures to improve policy issues by analyzing policy related to a child care service program in the community. Gilbert and Terrell's social policy analysis framework is used to analyze an after-school care service program for elementary school children. Furthermore, the Elementary Care Class(including the After-school Program), Youth After-school Academy, and Community Child Center, referred to as public care services, are employed to analyze community care service programs for children. The Elementary Care Class, Youth After-school Academy and Community Child Center are very similar in terms of the contents and application of the care service program for children, and mainly serve children in low-income groups. In addition, although user overlapping is an inevitable problem because the operating time of the Elementary Care Class and After-school Program coincides with that of the Youth After-school Academy and Community Child Center, it is structurally very hard to adjust the content of service, operating time, and so on because of differences in the delivery system for each program. Therefore, it is necessary to generate a unified delivery system to manage after-school care service programs for children and create a new special control tower to solve these problems. Furthermore, it is needed to extend the services to children from general double-income family, which is a blind spot of the care service.

• Human Ecology Research
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• v.60 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2022

This paper presents a social network analysis of changes in Home Economics education content loaded on YouTube before and after the outbreak of COVID-19. From January 1, 2008 to June 30, 2021, a basic analysis was conducted of 761 Home Economics education videos loaded on YouTube, using NetMiner 4.3 to analyze important keywords and the centrality of video titles and full texts. Before COVID-19, there were 164 Home Economics education videos posted on YouTube, increasing significantly to 597 following the emergence of the pandemic. In both periods, there was more middle school content than high school content. The content in the child-family field was the most, and the main keywords were youth and family. Before COVID-19, a performance evaluation indicated that the proportion of student content was high, whereas after the outbreak of the disease, teacher content increased significantly due to the effect of distance learning. However, compared with video use, the self-expression and participation of users were lower in both periods. The centrality analysis indicated that in the title, 'family' exhibited a high degree of both centrality and eigenvector centrality over the entire period. Degree centrality of the video title was found to be high in the order of class, online, family, management, etc. after the outbreak of COVID-19, and the connection of keywords was strong overall. Eigenvector centrality indicated that career, search, life, and design were influential keywords before COVID-19, while class, youth, online, and development were influential keywords after COVID-19.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.496-507
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• 2012

Purpose: This study was based on social-role theory, and purposes were to investigate (1) how depression and health determinants vary with married and employed women, and (2) what factors contribute to depression according to family cycle. Methods: A stratified convenience sample of 765 married and employed women was recruited during May to August 2010. Study variables of depression, socio-demographic threatening factors, psycho-stimulating factors, and social-role related factors were measured via a structured questionnaire. Results: Prevalence rate for depression was 18.6%, with highest rate (25.4%) from elementary laborers. Greater levels of depression were related to women's occupation, higher life stress, and poorer health; lower social support and vulnerable personality; higher levels of social-role related stress. From multivariate analysis, women with preadolescents were the most vulnerable to depression affected by occupation, life stress, personality, and parenting stress. These factors (except for occupational class) combined with economic status, social support, and housework unfairness were significant for depression in women with adolescents. Conclusion: Depression among married and employed women differs by psycho-stimulating and social role relevant factors in addition to occupational class and family life cycle. Female elementary laborers and women with children need to have the highest prioritization for community mental health programs.