• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
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• 제20권1호
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• pp.93-110
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• 2016

VP-ellipsis constructions in English can be schematized as S + [NP finite-AUX __ ] where the underlined part is understood to be a VP. Similarly, the pattern S + NP[-to] can be observed in Korean colloquial contexts. Though the English VP-ellipsis sentence pattern and the Korean pattern superficially seem to be similar, the Korean pattern exhibits peculiar properties: Syntactically, the NP of the pattern should have the delimiter -to. Semantically, it may convey ambiguous readings: VP-ellipsis-like and/or Stripping-like interpretation. To account for the pattern at issue, we propose a base-generated analysis driven by the delimiter -to within a construction grammar. We claim that the mother of the NP[-to] in this pattern is an S whose meaning is ambiguous between a VP-ellipsis-like and a Stripping-like reading. Consequently, the code of the VP-ellipsis in English is finite auxiliary verbs while that of the pattern S + NP[-to] in Korean is the delimiter -to.

• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.1-20
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• 2008

This paper examines the effects of focus types on case ellipsis in Korean. A number of previous studies have suggested that accusative case markers in Korean and Japanese cannot be dropped when the object they mark is contrastively focused (Masunaga, 1988; Yatabe, 1999; Ko, 2000; Lee, 2002). Using experimental evidence, we argue against the view that case ellipsis in Korean is sensitive to the distinction between contrastive vs. non-contrastive focus. An alternative analysis is proposed which accounts for the phenomenon of variable case marking in terms of the interaction between the contrastive strength and the discourse accessibility of focused object NPs. By viewing patterns of case ellipsis as the result of balancing between these two forces, such an analysis can correctly predict the gradient pattern of case ellipsis shown by the three types of focused objects tested in the experiment (contrastive replacing focus, contrastive selecting focus and non-contrastive, informational focus), while at the same time offering an explanation for why subtypes of focus exert distinct influences on case ellipsis.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제33호
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• pp.413-435
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• 2008

본고의 목적은 17세기 전반기(前半期)에 쓰인 '현풍(玄風) 곽씨(郭氏) 언간(諺簡)'을 대상으로 격조사(格助詞)의 생략 양상과 기능을 분석하는 데 있다. 판본 자료가 주로 불특정한 다수에게 메시지를 전달하는 데 반해 언간 자료는 특정한 개인에게 메시지를 전달한다는 점에서 판본 자료보다 '생략'이 더 자주 나타난다. 그 가운데에서 '격조사'의 생략이 두드러진다. 이러한 생략에는 '간결성', '비격식성', '신속성', '문체적 효과' 따위의 기능이 있다. 위에 제시한 생략의 네 가지 기능을 중심으로 격조사 생략의 양상을 분석하였다. 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 격조사 가운데 주격조사와 대격조사의 생략이 가장 자주 일어난다. 문장의 운율효과를 높일 때나 연어와 관용어 표현에서 이러한 생략이 일어났다. 또한 한문을 직역한 번역체에서도 생략이 나타났다. 처격조사는 주격조사와 대격조사에 비해 상대적으로 생략이 덜 일어나는 편이다. 처격조사 가운데에서도 '-에/-의'가 '-에셔/-의셔/-셔'보다 생략이 더 잘 되었다. '-에/-의' 다음에 동작성이 약하거나 동작성이 없는 동사가 오고, '-에셔/-의셔/-셔' 다음에 동작성이 강한 동사가 오는 것과 관련이 있는 듯하나 단정할 수 없다. 여격조사는 주격, 대격, 처격에 비해 실현이 잘 되었다. 다만 존칭 체언이 '아바님'이나 '어마님'일 경우 존칭의 여격조사('-')가 결합되지 않고 평칭의 여격조사('-의게/-게')가 결합된다는 점이 특기(特記)할 만하다. 속격조사는 현대국어에서와 마찬가지로 생략이 잘 되었으며 중세국어 언해문에서 보았던 주격적 속격이 꽤 남아 있었다. 구격조사 '-로'는 시간관련 어휘와 결합에서 [과거]의 '어제'에는 붙지 않고, [현재]의 ''과 [미래]의 ''에는 결합하는 경우가 많았고 간혹 생략되는 경우도 있었다.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제33권
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• pp.407-459
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• 2013

The paper pragmatically analyzes ellipsis in Russian and Polish colloquial and informal texts. The famous Polish writer Sławomir $Mro{\dot{z}}ek^{\prime}s$ "Exit to the South", written in Polish and Russian is used as a material for the analysis. Russian and Polish ellipsis in colloquial and informal texts have in common that the givenness and subjecthood of the elliptical co-referent play a crucial role. However, the ellipsis in two languages also has differences in many ways. Above all, in the Polish texts of colloquial and informal style, a theme is likely to be elliptical and the coreferential relation reaches to an extra-sentential antecedent, while the ellipsis in analysed Russian texts in most cases requires coordinate, subordinate or relative clauses, and the elliptical co-referent tends to have an intra-sentential antecedent. The ellipsis of the theme-subject is unmarked in Polish, where every verbal form has an ending denoting person. Unlike formal style which often allows explicit noun subject, Polish text of colloquial and informal style prefer null form of the subject in most cases. If Polish sentences have explicit theme-subjects, they disambiguate intervening and main themes, and indicate the contrast, the focus, the introduction of new narratives or the change of speaker's point of view. Sometimes direct speeches and deictic pronouns also need explicit theme-subjects in Polish sentences. On the other hand, the ellipsis of the theme-subject is marked in Russian even in colloquial and informal texts. The theme-subject can be deleted in Russian colloquial and informal texts, if the subject is a form of the first or the second person, or if the aspect and the tense of the antecedent sentence's verb are the same as those of the given sentence's verb and both the antecedent and the coreferential word have the nominative case.

• 음성과학
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.119-136
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• 2004

Ellipsis is the figure of speech characterized by the deliberate omission of words that are obviously understood, but that must be supplied to make a construction grammatically or semantically complete. The purpose of this study is to examine how ellipsis affects its adjacent elements acoustically and phonologically in English VP-ellipsis, sluicing and gapping. In the experiment, the realizations by English native speakers are set as the criteria for the observing point and are compared to Korean speakers' realizations. For the results, while English native speakers utilized various acoustic information such as word duration and pitch range and phonological information such as pith accent realization in order to intend the cues for decoding the missing constituent, Korean English learners relied on only duration information and could not use various information effectively.

• 음성과학
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• 제9권3호
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• pp.237-250
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• 2002

Linguistically, 'Focus' is the element which includes new or unpresupposed information. It is usually signalled by prosodic prominence called the 'pitch accent'. The purpose of this study is to observe the realization of the focal accent in VP-ellipsis, especially, to affect the meaning recovery of elided VP. Asher (1999) gave evidence that focal stress should be on the higher verb and the AUX in order to recover the elided VP to the lower one. In this paper, the systematic patterning of focal accent to decide the elided meaning in VP-ellipsis is to be observed. The realization of focal accent by English native speakers is set as the criteria for the meaning recovery of the elided VP and is compared to Koreans'. Moreover, the focal accents of Koreans are observed and compared with respect to their English proficiency levels.

• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.87-103
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• 2007

This paper reanalyzes examples with missing verbs. Northern Mandarin rejects argument nominal phrases after a silent verb, as well as silent verbs inside islands. These restrictions suggest a grammatical process which silences verbs. I propose that these restrictions are the result of VP-topicalization followed by ellipsis. This analysis accounts for the island sensitivity of these constructions: since VP-topicalization feeds ellipsis, constructions with elided VPs are not derivable from configurations where movement is impossible. Also, to avoid topicalization along with the VP, the argument must move out of VP; the subsequent topicalization of the VP containing the argument's trace would then give rise to a configuration where that trace c-commands the moved-out DP. Adjuncts do not pose a problem because they are located outside of that smallest VP-shell. The data presented here are accommodated by neither of Tang's (2001) proposals for silent verbs (gapping and empty verbs). Instead, they provide support for a third source for silent verbs, VP-ellipsis via topicalization.

• 음성과학
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• 제12권4호
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• pp.237-245
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• 2005

The purpose of this study was to investigate the characteristics for cohesion in the narratives of fluent aphasics. Ten fluent aphasics and ten normal adults matched chronological-age and education level with aphasics participated in this study. Story retelling task was given to the participants individually. And all narratives they produced were recorded and transcribed for analysis. The frequency of cohesive markers and the rate of accuracy were analyzed. The result were as follows; (1) The fluent aphasics used cohesive devices significantly less than the normal adult group, and the rate of accuracy of cohesive devices used was lower than the normal adults. (2) Both groups used lexical cohesion more than pro-forms and ellipsis, and the difference of two groups was larger in lexical cohesion than pro-forms and ellipsis. (3) The fluent aphasics used lexical cohesion more accurately than pro-forms and ellipsis but the normal adults used all three cohesive markers accurately. The difference of two groups was large in pro-forms and ellipsis.

• 인지과학
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• 제21권2호
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• pp.253-282
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• 2010

이 연구는 대용어나 지시사가 생략된 조건에서 선행어의 전형성과 언급순서가 참조해결에 작용하는 효과를 살펴보기 위해서 2개의 실험을 실시하였다. 실험 1은 대용어 생략과 대명사 조건을 비교하였다. 대용어 생략은 전형성과 언급순서가 읽기과제에 반영되었고, 언급순서 효과가 탐사재인과제에 반영되었다. 반면에 대명사는 전형성과 언급순서 효과가 탐사재인과제에만 반영되었다. 실험 2에서는 지시사가 생략된 명사반복과 대명사 조건을 비교하였다. 명사반복이 대명사에 비해서 읽기시간이 길었으며, 언급순서 효과가 탐사재인과제에 반영되었다. 반면에 대명사는 전형성과 언급순서가 탐사재인과제에서 반영되었다. 이는 선행어와 대용어의 참조해결이 직선적이기보다는 역동적일 가능성을 시사하였다.

• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.1-27
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• 2009

This paper examines the (a)symmetries in the realization of focused subjects and objects in Korean. Through rating experiments, we demonstrate that native speakers' judgments of acceptability of sentences containing case-marked or case-ellipsed subjects and objects are sensitive to the contrastiveness strength and the discourse accessibility of focused arguments. However, our experiments also show that focused subjects exhibit stronger preference for explicit case marking over case ellipsis and that contrastiveness strength and discourse accessibility have weaker influence on the case marking and ellipsis of focused subjects compared to focused objects. We propose an account of variable case marking that is capable of subsuming both the similarities and differences between focused subjects and objects under the universal theory of markedness. In particular, it is shown that the similarities between focused subjects and objects are predicted by the proposed account based on the contrastiveness strength and the discourse accessibility of focused arguments and that the differences between focused subjects and objects follow naturally from the relative markedness of focus as subjects.