• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.67
• /
• pp.88-118
• /
• 2014

This study attempted to clarify (1) the meaning of 'people's livelihood (Minsaeng, 民生)' conveyed by the newspapers in Korean society and the specific matter it refers to, and (2) consider the discourse formed by the newspapers and what does and does not change in that discourse over the passage of time. Editorials were classified and analyzed based on the framework of Fairclough's critical discourse analysis(CDA). It was clear, from the political perspective, that the discourse was respectively formed and changed for each administration. The discourse on 'people's livelihood' was critical and at the same time generally negative, because it dealt with the important social incidents or controversies of the time. The discourse on 'people's livelihood' related to the massive social streams of Korea's democratization and globalization process. Whereas the discourse on 'people's livelihood' in the 1990s, seen from an economic perspective, tried to resolve labor strikes, inflation rate, housing problem, and financial crisis. The discourse in the 2000s changed to issues ranging from economic growth and distribution to bi-polarization problem, job creation, abolishment of non-regular employments, etc. The meaning of 'people's livelihood' produced in the editorials of the major daily newspapers is different from the word's dictionary definition as 'the people's lives'.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.9 no.2
• /
• pp.301-308
• /
• 2009

This paper studied the scheme to realize the manifesto as the method of resolving the side effects after the introduction of the superintendent's election system, a direct election by local residents, in order to implement participative democracy in the educational field. When the superintendent's election system playing an important role in protecting the identity of a state is intruded by the political logic, ideology or factional interest, it leads to the educational crisis such as the damaged independence of the policy and the like. The local educational autonomous system is the institutional arrangement to secure the independence and neutrality of education based on morality and guarantee the democratization and decentralization of educational administration. The scheme to resolve the corrupt aspect of the election of the superintendent is to lead election to the policy-based election. This paper presents the scheme to realize the manifesto movement of the superintendent's electoral campaign to resolve this side effect. All political agents and candidates should be allowed to make free access to diverse information to draw up the manifesto and raise the reliability of the manifesto itself, be guaranteed neutrality, speciality, objectiveness, fairness and the like. In particular, it can be seen that the core task is whether citizens can be involved in the manifesto movement through a shift in their thinking about educational autonomy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.70
• /
• pp.132-164
• /
• 2015

The formation of knowledge of the people of Korean society is the social practices of collective subjectivity. Subjectivity is the truth of the self, which is incessantly created, questioned and modified in the milieu of self-reflection. In an attempt to examine the hermeneutics of the subject of Korean society, a conceptual framework is proposed, which, with the notion of life embedded, consists of a historical sequence of the popular, minjung, multitude, people and community. The period of 1960s saw the ambiguous mass of lifes floating, the individual with his/her own interior world of consciousness emerge. The ideological solidarity is formed in the the next two decades, in contestation with immediate and physical threatening such as poverty and dictatorship. The democratization of Korean society and the global expansion of neoliberal regime gave a re-birth of multitude and people which is characterized with their pursuit of the co-existence and co-realization of singularity and universality on the ethical principle of the open and communicative radicality.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.36
• /
• pp.309-338
• /
• 1998

The American military occupations of Korea(1945-1948) and Japan(1945-1952) after the second world war had great influences on the history of the two countries, the contents and results were, however, quite different. This study attempts to analyze the similarities and differences, the determinants of the social welfare policy, and their long-term effects on the later social welfare policies in the two countries. For the purpose of this study, it uses a comparative case study on the public assistant policies of the two countries during the American military occupation. The conclusions of this study are summarized as follows. Firstly, although the American military occupations of the two countries faced the similar social problems during the same period, their countermeasures were quite different from each other. In Korea, the American military occupation hardly tried to establish a substantial social welfare system by making laws, but, mainly relying on temporary emergency relief, they just aimed for social control. On the other hand, in Japan, the American military occupation tried to improve the existing social welfare system in terms of the principles of demilitarization and democratization. Secondly, the political determinants of the social welfare policy in the two countries were much more important than the socioeconomic determinants. Especially the differences in the basic military occupation principles, the administration structure, and the roles of the indigenous ruling classes acted upon the different social welfare policies of Korea and Japan. Thirdly, the long-term effects on the later social welfare policies in the two countries was different. In Korea, the American military occupation hardly contributed to modernize the social welfare policy. Therefore, the unsystematic premodern relief system continued to exist for a long time. On the other hand, in Japan, the American military occupation contributed to modernizing the social welfare policy in terms of ideology and system and formed the groundwork for developing the later social welfare policies.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.65 no.2
• /
• pp.255-285
• /
• 2013

The aim of this study is to demonstrate how Self-Sufficiency Promotion Centers (SSP Centers) run by social movement groups have struggled to defend their voluntary identities in conflict with SSP Centers operated by professional social welfare centers. Since political democratization, social movement groups have been increasing invited to run frontline public welfare agencies in South Korea, and Self-Sufficiency Program is one of the representative policies in which social movement groups have actively partaked. But many critical scholars have warned that such institutionalization of social movements into social welfare system is likely to dampen their voluntary nature and force them to render their hegemonic power to professional social welfare institutions. In contrast to the critical viewpoint, however, this study unveils how social movement-based SSP Centers have strived to tackle the professionalization pressure by deploying various survival strategies at the micro level. Through a historical discourse analysis on the frontline conflicts between social movement-based and social welfare-based SSP Centers, this study contends that social movement groups in Self-Sufficiency Program can still maintain their traditional spirit despite the obvious professionalization phenomenon.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.30
• /
• pp.239-273
• /
• 2005

This study compares the Korean and U.S. media's coverage of the No Gun Ri massacre, analyzing their usages of sources in the stories and explaining by the perspective of media sociology why they differed in them. For the comparison with the AP's report, we selected only the reports of the Korean media which dealt with the incident itself. It was found that most of the Korean media utilized a very small number of sources, and that they relied on the victims alone. In contrast, the AP's sources were much more numerous drawn from both the victims and offenders. As a result, the Korean media failed to ensure the 'diversity of sources' and to illuminate the whole picture of the incident, although they had started to report it far earlier than the AP. From the depth interviews with the reporters, through the framework of media sociology, it was found first at the personal level, that the difference was brought about by the divergent news evaluation. It seemed that the Korean journalists regarded the incident with relatively lower news value than their U.S. counterparts. Next, at the intra-organizational level, it was conceded, neither did the Korean new media have so flexible news collecting system, nor so murk man-power and resource as the AP, which were required for the coverage of such an incident. The Korean media had not established the convention to utilize various sources with conflicting interests. Last, at the extra-organizational level, the Korean news media's coverage was still influenced by the self-censorship mechanism due to the ideologies of 'pro-Americanism' and 'anti-communism', even though the democratization of Korean society itself enabled the sensitive incident to be dealt with eventually by the media.

• Informatization Policy
• /
• v.23 no.2
• /
• pp.54-72
• /
• 2016

This article analyzes the latest cases of Digital Social Innovation such as crowdsourcing and online petitions for public trouble-shooting in oder to demonstrate that public engagement of the citizens on decision making can enhance the quality of democracy. Digital Social Innovation contributes to citizen's participation on decision making and policy implementation with taking advantage of digital technologies of crowdsourcing and online petitions. Active civic engagement for decision making literally helps to improve and democratize government policy. These series of processes not only improve quality and efficiency of policy governance by building up transparency and effectiveness of policy itself but also enhance the throughput legitimacy. With this article, I quote and analyze various practices of Digital Social Innovation which we had substantiated to demonstrate the effectiveness of civic engagement for decision making to improve and enhance democracy. The hypothesis that the Digital Social Innovation attempted in various ways is a principal factor of democratization could be verified. Moreover, the practices of Digital Social Innovation helps the civic participation in policy making in modern society. Finally, this article suggests an implication of Digital Social Innovation as part of efforts to ensure the involvement of throughput legitimacy for the development of democracy.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.18 no.10
• /
• pp.95-105
• /
• 2020

The Hong Kong issue covered in the study refers to the problems caused by the various measures and policies taken by the Chinese government since Hong Kong's return to China on July 1, 1997, and the resistance and resistance shown by the Hong Kong people. Since Hong Kong's return The Chinese government carried out a policy of strengthening direct control over Hong Kong, and on June 30, 2020, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of China passed the Hong Kong National Security Act. This study will focus on the impact of the Hong Kong issue on Cross-Strait Relations. Through this, we will take a look at the application of the "one-country, two-system" policy, Taiwan and China's Unification Issues and the democratization of Hong Kong. This study predicts that after the passage of the "Hong kong National security law," the principle of "one-country, two-system" that China tried to apply to unification with Taiwan will be put into a big test, and that Cross-Strait Relations and U.S.-China relations will deteriorate. Tension will quickly arise around Northeast Asia in the future, and we should also analyze and prepare for it in various ways.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
• /
• v.22 no.2
• /
• pp.51-75
• /
• 2014

Sustainability has already become one of the most important innovation policy agendas in many countries. Korea has tried to emulate this global trend in various forms, unfortunately with little success. A very strong tradition of centralized administration in Korea has meant that local communities and municipalities have remained more or less passive in tackling their own sustainability issues and problems. In recent years, with the impetus of huge democratization attempts in Korea since the late 1980s, there have been some local attempts to remedy these imbalances since the early 2000s. A series of local experiments to try and test green alternatives against the very hostile environment have been implemented, with varying degrees of success. This study analyzed cases of transition experiment to sustainable socio-technical system such as MUSIC project, Low Carbon Green Village and Citizens' Sunlight Power Stations. To draw politic meanings for sustainable socio-technical system, these content, process of conversion and feature were examined.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.42 no.1 s.118
• /
• pp.41-62
• /
• 2007

This paper aims to interpret the changes of the regional inequality between Seoul Metropolitan Area(SMA) and Non-SMA after 1981 on the regulationist approaches that examine institution changes and power dynamics that motivate regional disparities in South Korea. Despite the restrict laws and aims that alms to reduce the concentration into SMA before 1988, the acts were not executed effectively due to the structural selectivity of the bureaucratic authoritarian state of those years. Thus, the regional concentration phenomena of SMA was intensified in the 1980s. However, the democratization in 1987 invoked Non-SMA regions to claim their regional development and it also forced the state to mediate the conflicting interests between the regional agents protesting the SMA concentration and the Capital agents supporting the SMA deregulation. From the early 1990s. the state launched a series of national strategies and policies to diminish regional inequality. They included execution of the existing acts mitigating SMA concentration and construction of industrial complexes in the underdeveloped areas of Non-SMA. Thus, the equalizing polities led the reduction of the concentration of SMA from 1989 to 1997. However, the financial crisis of Korea in 1997 intensified the claims of the Capital agents to deregulate the SMA control. The circumstance also forced the state towards the Capital side that request the deregulation of SMA control. As the result, the regional disparity between SMA and Non-SMA has been enlarged again since 1998.