• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.413-439
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• 2011

This study aims to look for the proper directions of following and developing Gyeonggi sinawi dance in the fashion of Kim Sukja by closely examining its kinds and patterns. First, its characteristics and education reality were investigated. Second, the seven kinds of Gyeonggi sinawi dance Kim Sukja allegedly handed down (according to the 121st Report of the Intangible Cultural Assets) were concretely examined. Third, the composition of each dance pattern was studied. Fourth, various beats used in Gyeonggi sinawi dance were revealed. The late Kim Sukja had outstanding artistic talent and ability in Gyeonggi sinawi dance movements, musical composition, gayageum accompanied singing, and pansori episodes. Behind her were master singer Kim Seokchang (grandfather), father Kim Deoksun (belonging to Hwaseong Artist Board), shaman-mother Jeong Gwiseong, and great dancer Jo Jinyeong. Kim sukja's seven Gyeonggi sinawi dance types were bujeong nori, teo beollim, jinsoe, jeseok, kkaekkeum, ollimchae, and dosal puri (designated as Important Intangible Cultural Asset in 1990). Such beats as seopchae (dosal puri), mori, bal ppeodeurae, bujeong nori, ollimchae, jinsoe, and teo beollim (ban seoreum) were mainly used in Gyeonggi sinawi dance. In sum, Kim Sukja's dance was more than an individual's dance to represent the cultural types and life at that time in Gyeonggi-do and be a very important academic historic material. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the present generation to hand down and develop such invaluable traditional cultural materials.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.35-60
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• 2009

I insisted that the structure should be set newly, pointing out problems in a structure of the big gut, Jain dano je in this paper. Although, the big gut is playing now in Jain dano je, the features of gut geo-ri are vague ; that's why gut geo-ri and performances are entangled. Therefore, the gut geori showing strange structures not fitted with korean shamanist custom is playing these days like Pawangbyeolhui and Eoudong geori. The detailed procedure is also awkward. It is mixed with aspects of shaman custom in each region, instead showing features of regions. What's more, it became a dance drama, not gut geo-ri with several shamans dancing in a gut. Overcoming these problems, the big gut will be a cultural asset. Therefore, when considering the structure of korean gut, we will fit the order of gut geo-ri into the system of divine spirits keeping a plot-opening, developing and closing. It should be a gut geori-oriented play with only gut geo-ri things. Gut should be gone forward main shaman-oriented gut, setting up a main shaman who takes charge of each gut geo-ri. We should find out a new shaman who knows gut of Gyeong sang province well, if shaman who now takes charge of it has a problem. The big gut of Jain dano je became a part of intangible cultural assets. The performance is not a subject of curiosity and people's interests any more as it was in a past. It should be a traditional performance of representing our traditional culture. We should reorganize an epochal gut geo-ri after reexamining gut geo-ri which has played so far.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.10
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• pp.767-773
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• 2021

This thesis is a study on the rhythm of the funeri dance among the East Coast Guts. The jangdans used in the East Coast Gut are used for dance, samurai, and play scenes. In addition, it is a means for the shaman to perform the gut smoothly, and it also includes a role to represent humans and gods. In particular, the funeri jangdan has been performed in the preparatory stage before worshiping the god, prior to the ceremony of worshiping the god. Therefore, it can be said that it is a meaningful jangdan with a procedure for preparing to welcome the god and performing rituals and bows. In fact, if you are constrained by time while performing a gut, long jangdans respond with fast jangdans and sing samurai. On the other hand, the funeri jangdan is played without omission without any special measures. However, there are cases where one of Chapter 1 or Chapter 2 is omitted for circumstances, or only Chapter 3 is played. In other words, the verse of chapter 3 must be played. Judging from this aspect, it can be confirmed that the functional and ceremonial part of this jangdan is important to the progress of the funery jangdan. Therefore, if the position and function of the jangdan are recognized and the work is created through this study, its artistry and tradition will be further developed, and it is thought that it can be a stepping stone to increase the value of traditional art.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.5-43
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• 2011

Before the Korean War, Korean mask dramas had been performed as parts of seasonal customs and had been passed down in connection with various seasonal events, such as village rites, tug of war, torch fighting, Jisinbabgi(stepping on evil spirits), Gilnori, and Sattonoreum. However, after the Korean War, the dramas were played independently regardless of those seasonal events; thus, they have lost their original functions and meanings. After the Korean War, the lion dance in the Bukcheong lion mask play included two lions (as opposed to one lion prior to the Korean War) and the Aeonesung and Sadang dances were added. The scene in which a lion eats a child changed to a lion eating a rabbit doll. Furthermore, whereas mask types used to be diverse, they are now standardized to one type of lion mask. In the Yangju Byulsandae-nori, eight monks and Waejangnye, Aesadang appeared in 'Aesadang Bubgonori', but now the Malddugi mask character is added. Current performances omit sexually suggestive scenes. In the pre-Korean War version of the old man and old woman act, the old man sang a song to the soul of the dead woman, but now a shaman appears and performs an exorcism. In the dialogues, vulgar and sexual statements have been shortened as many audience members are women and children. Regarding the appearance of the masks, the lotus leaf, the monk with Scabies, and sannim masks have been significantly changed. Bongsantalchum has also changed, especially in the old monk act. Previously, two Somu used to appear whereas now only one appears. The scene of the shoe seller's and the monkey's departure is also different. Furthermore, while the former masks once had big eye holes on each side of the nose, now the masks have smaller holes on the eyes.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.465-488
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• 2016

This paper attempts to read in different ways and to interpret newly on Cheoyongrang mhang-hae-sa in "Sam-guk-yu-sa". Ulsan have held Cheoyong Cultural Festival for 47 times according to "Sam-guk-yu-sa". However, there have been a frequent identity crisis about Cheoyong Cultural Festival because of controversial issue about Cheoyong, This paper interpretate Cheoyongrang mhang-hae-sa newly to overcome these crisis, Cheoyong's dancing and retreating was not the resignation and tolerance, but the treat and warning, as the dance of Namsansin god of Posukjeong, Buk-acksin god of Keumkangryung and Jisin god of Dongryejeon was the warning of Silla's ruination. 'The Mhang' of Mhang-he-sa temple should be interpreted not as 'watch' but 'fifteen days'. Mhang-he means the roads buried in darkness and vanished had become a sea. The name of Shin-bhang-sa temple means Gae-un-po province of Ulsan had become 'the newly purified region' because of the inspection of King Heon-ghang. The main keyword of Cheoyongrang mhang-hae-sa is 'Byuk-sa-jin-gyung'. 'Byuk-sa-jin-gyung' means to repel the impious and pray the pleasure. The purpose of the personal Gut and national Gut, Narae, was also 'Byuk-sa-jin-gyung'. The reinvented bridal room with a fresh life was like the world of Byuk-sa-jin-gyung. The dance of God Sa-bhang was, as well the desperate desire to New Silla. Cheoyong was a shaman with a superior authority who set up the power to foresee to the god of smallpox. The image of Cheoyong at is not the resignation and tolerance, but the foresight and authority. Therefore, the slogan of Cheoyong Cultural Festival, the resignation and tolerance, should be reexamined. The new Cheoyong Cultural Festival should adopt the concept of foresight and authority and Byuk-sa-jin-gyung. Cheoyong Cultural Festival, have been held for 49times, often had identity problems. The identity of Cheoyong have been misinterpreted as the resignation and tolerance. The slogan of Cheoyong Cultural Festival should be reexamined. The new Cheoyong Cultural Festival should adopt the concept of foresight and authority and Byuk-sa-jin-gyung.