This thesis aims to examine the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism, which was actively debated post-1990's in the West. The paper will focus on the concepts of morality and ethics of Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" in order to connect the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism to our society's political reality. Specifically, through the introduction of Hegel's point of view, this paper will shed new light co the concept of communitarianism, which was viewed from the perspective of political philosophy within the West post-1990's. Through "Philosophy of Law," Hegel imbues a critical and fundamental meaning to modern ethical-political order. For Hegel, Kant's acceptance of morality has a foundational and compositional meaning for the concepts of law and nation. This paper will discuss this topic within the boundaries of Hegel's morality and ethics and regard this as a chance to look back on our political situation with a regretful introspection. International and national reviewers tend to regard the various perspectives of Hegel's philosophy of law as inspirational. However, it seems that the fundamental introspection of why our reality must adhere to his philosophy is lacking. Based on this concern, the paper aims to examine Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" to apply his perspectives to our political reality for a fundamental self-evaluation.
The purpose of this paper is to justify the following four points. 1) Both communitarianism maintaining perfectionism and liberalism maintaining state neutralism are wrong. Communitarian liberalism is right. 2) If we accept a standpoint of communitarian liberalism, every state must make its own moral textbook for the achievement of common good. Of course, it dose not mean that a government must be an author of moral textbook. 3) The subjects of unification education and democratic citizenship education must be included in moral textbook. The crucial difference between moral education and civic education lies not in the educational subject but in the educational method. In order to internalize communal values and virtue, moral education prefer reflective internalization to indoctrination. But civic education prefer indoctrination to reflective internalization. 4) An desirable Korean who shares Korean values and virtue, provisional moral truth of Korea is a citizen of two isms, namely nationalism and cosmopolitanism.
This study empirically analyzed the value conflicts of cultural administration based on the needs of axiological discussions and the differences in intersubjectivity among the cultural administration groups and the contradicting attributes of culture and administration. The study classified the stakeholders into administrative staff, planners, and artists to compare their value priorities of publicness in cultural administration. A classification analysis was also conducted based on the normative by each group and the value distribution on a 2×2 value matrix between autonomy and accountability and fairness and efficiency. Based on the results of the quantitative study, the awareness of the relationships among the groups and cause and effects of value conflicts was analyzed through in-depth interviews. Thus, the study aimed to identify the directions for value distribution wherein the values of administration and culture can coexist and determine the implications of expanding this mutual understanding. The results revealed that in the conflict between autonomy and accountability, all groups had a greater awareness of accountability. In terms of normative aspects, it was possible to see a normative value line with an emphasis on autonomy, rather than on accountability from the lower stages on the budget hierarchy (administrators at the top, followed by planners and artists). In the conflict between autonomy and accountability, the size of dissonance between appropriateness and reality was the largest among the groups in the lower stages of the budget hierarchy, and became larger along the order of administrators, planners, and artists. In the conflict between efficiency and fairness, all groups had a greater awareness of efficiency. In terms of fairness in normative aspects, emphasis was placed on was artists, administrators, and planners, in that order. The size of dissonance between efficiency and fairness by groups became larger along the order of budget hierarchy-administrators, planners, and artists. Based on the results, the study compared and analyzed the 2×2 value matrix between the normative and actualities by groups. The normative value distribution emphasized Type 1 (accountability x fairness) as seeking communitarianism values through culture and Type 2 (autonomy x fairness) as seeking balanced values of cultural freedom of individualsonabalance. However, in actualities, although the communitarianism values of Type 1 were considered important, there were no distributions to the liberal values of Type 2, rather to the economic values of culture from Type 4 (accountability x efficiency). In summary, the Korean cultural administration isunderapressureof value distribution to emphasize the communitarianism and economic rather than liberal values, through bureaucratic control in actualities compared with the normative. This study will have significant implications on value distribution decision-making by groups and political implementations within the purview of cultural administration.
This study, by proposing a case study of community radio, attempts to expand the horizon of academic and social discussion on the medium that has been disproportionately skewed towards discourses on alternative media, technology, and programming content. As residents of local community actively participate in the production process, they reconstruct their cultural identities. In that sense, community radio is a medium that makes it possible the re-negotiation and reconfiguration of cultural identities of local residents. That is to say, a case study on the specific ways in which community residents appropriate community radio in reconstructing their identities offers us some entry points where we may come up with a new perspective on the identity of community radio. The results of fieldwork show that community radio, as it is closely intertwined with the residents' participatory cultural practices, is a medium of 'lived culture' -i.e., a medium that contributes to the making of civility, communitarianism, and social network. Community radio, then, may be redefined as an interactive medium that contributes to the formation of social rapport and solidarity.
This paper is to explore critically environmentalism, especially in terms of environmental justice, suggested or implied in theory of liberalism which has been the ideological foundation of contemporary society. It begins with a brief look at liberal perspective in a broad sense, then interprets in-depth the classical liberalism of J. Locke, libertarianism (esp. R. Nozick) and utilitarianism (including cost-benefit analysis) from the environmental point of view. And finally it considers liberal pluralism and other alternative theories of pluralism, especially communitarianism (esp M. Walzer), postmodern pluralism (esp. I. Young), and cultural pluralism (esp. C. Taylor) in order to overcome limitations of liberal environmentalism and to find out some clues for theory of environmental justice. In conclusion, this paper argues that we need to transfer from liberalism (including liberal pluralism) to critical pluralism in oder to develop a proper understanding of environmental problems and to conceptualize a desirable theory of environmental justice.
Originally confucianism is closer to communitarianism than to individualism. The ideal of confucianism is to realize ethical community. Chu Hsi's theory of the Song dynasty reestablishes the ideal of ethical community and dignitaries(士大夫) take the job to realize it as their own vocation. There are many developed 'family clans and kinsfolk societies', 'local covenants and sacred storehouses' and 'private academies' in the Chosun dynasty as in the Song dynasty. These communities are three kinds of axial confucian community, which are both natural ascriptive groups and voluntary contract groups in nature. Communities of Chosun dynasty are to strengthen the solidarity through friendship and mutual help as well as to cultivate good customs in society. Also these traditional communities are managed by democratic procedures, as these are originally voluntary contract groups. On the other hand, traditional neo-confucian self-training theories like that individual personality should be harmony with general order, or one should pursuit his private interest according to fair principles are the process of sublimation private individual into public citizen.
This article is aimed at understanding the goals of the citizenship educations and changes of political cultures in the Sukarno, Suharto, and the post-Suharto periods in Indonesia. Sukarno's and Suharto's regimes adopted Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, as the philosophical basis of education. The citizenship education based on Pancasila was nothing but a political education, which aimed at suppressing the masses and justifying authoritarian rules of the regimes. After the collapse of the Suharto regime, a democratic citizenship education has launched, which emphasized the expanded civic rights and obligations as world citizens and the masses' active participation in politics. However, in this new curriculum, Pancasila is still emphasized as the supporting philosophical pillar of education. The reason is because, through the values of communitarianism represented in the discourse of Pancasila, the state needs to control the possible irresponsible and undemocratic behaviors of local powers and global economy when liberalism is not effectively controlled.
This paper is focused on analyzing the social environment of a rapidly changing on Vietnamese company. The key analysis of this study is on the change of perception in Vietnam and the regional difference of CSR acception. The social acceptance research of CSR is centered on the comparative analysis of Korean, Japanese and Chinese companies Social Activities in Vietnam. In addition, This paper seek to way of contribute to the sustainable development of Korean companies, and its harmonious cooperation with Vietnamese society through reviewing the CSR activities and direction of their CSR expectation. In the paper, linkage analysis was conducted with the results of the study on CSR value development process in Vietnam society and analysis of social responsibility values obtained from empirical studies. Through this, finally, we trying to search the value of social responsibility in Vietnam and its future directions. When we understand Vietnam's CSR, based on 'locality' of Vietnam, Northern and Southern can be understand on its different backgrounds. And it can be analyzed by their CSR characteristics of acception. As the result of this research, In the North, Foreign companies' CSR is understanded to be viewed from the corporate economic income and distribution. In the South, there is a strong tendency to understand CSR activities of foreign companies as marketing activities. On the whole, In northern Hanoi, there was a strong expectation in terms of 'employment improvement' and 'workers' working conditions'. In the South, there was a greater interest in improving the 'quality of life of residents' and 'consumer protection'. This is due to the influence of the economic system experienced during the process of different colonization, modernization and communization between the two regions. Since the Reform and Opening of Vietnam, Social Awareness of CSR seems that the regional differences were formed by the pace of economic development and the economic environment has played a role. In particular, the social acceptance of CSR values showed a slight difference in recognition between the North and South regions, but as both regions showed common hope for 'intervention in the role of government'. Therefore, Social Awareness of Vietnam's CSR is based on relation of 'government-society' formed from the 'Communitarianism'. As foreign investment flows more, CSR awareness and expectations in Vietnam's society will increase further. And the CSR expectations of local governments and stakeholder will be more complicated. It is time to check the needs of Vietnamese society in relation to locality of the social responsibility activities.
The purpose of this study aims to interpretate the dynamics of the Social Citizenship of Marshall, and thereby to search a tool to evaluate the characteristics of social citizenship working at different welfare states and its developmental level. The existing study on the Marshall's Citizenship including the social citizenship mainly used to focus on Citizenship's composition, its basis and justification of rights to social citizenship. This implies to relatively neglect the concretization of social citizenship into social policy and its application to reality. Against this background, this study focuses on the embryological dynamics of Marshall's Social Citizenship and is to justify that social citizenship is historical concept which has been emerged in the complex development of modern capitalism, so called, the hyphenated society composed of Democracy, Capitalism and Welfarism. The study is to provide that complexity and dynamics of Marshall's social citizenship could be classified into some typology along political philosophical issues surrounding relationship between state and market and individual and community, and such typology can match the welfare state regime suggested by Esping-Anderson. Finally, this study is to prove that such typology could be used an analysis tool for current welfare states in the light of the welfare state regime.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the relations between religious socialism and education of Martin Buber(1878~1965), a theistic existentialist. Buber suggested religious socialism as an alternative to modern capitalist society which has many problems. Buber's religious socialism is based on the communitarianism of Hasidism. Buber considered 'true' socialism must be based on decentralized associations, not based on centralized state apparatuses. For establishing this kind of socialism, human will and mind are the most important. Thus, education takes a very important role in the process of social transformation. According to Buber, education and pedagogy should contribute to overcoming modern society's problems by pursuing the construction of community(true socialist society). For Buber, education for individuals' character and education for building community are not separated but combined. That is, although education takes a main role in the social transformation, it should not be considered just as an instrument for the social transformation. This is the main distinction between Buber's thought and other key socialists' thoughts on social transformation and education, because many of socialists who stress the role of education in the process of social transformation, tend to regard education as an instrument for the social transformation. According to Buber, education can contribute to social transformation without being an instrument for the social transformation. These ideas of Buber on religious socialism and education have important implications for educators and educationalists who hope education contributes to solving problems of modern society.
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