• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.22
• /
• pp.7-27
• /
• 2011

This article is devoted to little-studied play of M.A. Bulgakov "Adam and Eve". By the end of 1920's - the beginning of 1930's soviet society is differentiated again, its construction is rebuilded. In the new condition drama is needed as much as possible. Drama on the stage is ideal model for instruction of "Mass". Thereupon soviet society asked "New Hero", "New play", which can rebuild soviet citizen in the new construction of government. Thereby the play of M.A. Bulgakov "Adam and Eve" is created by order of soviet society. In this play typical soviet people are represented: Adam Krasovsky(engineer), Daragan(pilot-terminator), Ponchik-Nepobeda(writer), Zahar Markizov(proletarian-baker). They are different from each other by their occupation and formation, but they have same consciousness and they think identically. Bulgakov makes stand such problems: impersonality and unfreedom of human being in the government of communism. Bulgakov, using Parody, doubt the possibility of realization of utopia of Soviet government. Bulgakov show to us that Adam Krasocsky is not real Adam-first human being. In the play we can see the real Adam is the scientist-intelligent Efrosimov. Bulgakov change the place of Ponchik with the place of Markizov. The idiot and the fool is recognized not Markisov-drinker, tyrant, but Ponchik-writer. After the disaster Markisov, reading a Bible, is changing and by the end of play he started writing his own novel. Indeed if Ponchik wrote hoked-up novel, Markisov writes a real own history. Request of Leningrad Theater for Bulgakov to write about the future war comes from the spirit of the time. But Bulgakov in this play "Adam and Eve" could insist that the "Life" is a supreme value.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.2
• /
• pp.147-179
• /
• 2018

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, Jakarta's Ex-Governor, lost his re-election bid in 2017 and then was jailed on a charge of blasphemy. After his defeat, the rhetorics of Indonesian politics was divided into two opposing sides: anti-Communism and 'pribumi' of the radical Islamic movements and Pancasila of the Jokowi administration. Although Islamic political parties are now preoccupied with their own coalitional politics and survivals, rather than solidarity of Islamic forces, the rising Islamic sentiments confirmed by the Jakarta election indicate that religion will continue to be a key variable in Indonesian politics. Meanwhile, ex-military generals who declared themselves as candidates in the 2018 regional election and the 2019 presidential election, as well as a few measures used by the Jokowi administration against extra-parliamentary political opponents, remind us of Suharto's New Order. Steady growth continues in economy. The raise of minimum wage enlarged middle classes and led to a decline of the poverty rate. Jokowi's commitment to building infrastructure has made tangible achievements. Under these circumstances, enhanced cooperation between Indonesia and South Korea is laudable, though any such cooperation must fully incorporate local sociocultural contexts, such as the strengthened halal certification system.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.31
• /
• pp.203-240
• /
• 2011

Ahn Jaihong tries to establish a unified nation state with Dasarism through which conflicts of right and left could be sublated. Dasarism has two features; one is nationalism and the other is centrism. His nationalism recognizes national identity and national sovereignty as two faces of one coin and sublates nationalism and globalism. His centrism is thought to be a route to true democracy which can sublate liberalism and communism and a route to nation's sovereignty. However, his dasarism did not make any impact on political reality of that day. Its today's value must reside in its proposals to harmonize nation and world, and to protect the social weak, and to pursue a central route of reunification.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
• /
• v.11 no.3
• /
• pp.277-296
• /
• 2023

The South Korean ethnic diaspora US lobby shows efficacy as an interest group in generating influence in American foreign and domestic public policy making. The persuasive portrayal of South Korea as a critical Cold War US ally reinforced US amenability to pro-South Korea lobbying. Also, the South Korean US diaspora is a comparatively recent immigrant group, thus its lingering resistance to assimilation facilitates its political mobilization to lobby the US government. One source of this influence includes the foundational legacy of proselytizing Western and particularly American religious social movement representatives in Korean religiosity and society. US protestant Christianity acquired a strong public association with emerging Korean nationalism in response to Japanese imperialism and occupation. Hostility towards Japanese colonialism followed by the threat from Soviet-sponsored, North Korean Communism meant Christianity did not readily become a cultural symbol of excessive external, US interference in South Korean society by South Korean public opinion. The post-Cold War shift in US foreign policy towards targeting so-called rogue state vestiges of the Cold War including North Korea enhanced further South Korea's influence in Washington. Due to essential differences in the perceived historical role of American influence, extrapolation of the South Korean development model is problematic. US hegemony in South Korea indicates that perceived alliance with national self-determination constitutes the core of soft power appeal. Civilizational appeal per se in the form of religious beliefs are not critically significant in promoting American polity influence in target polities in South Korea or, comparatively, in the Middle East. The United States is a perceived opponent of pan-Arab nationalism which has trended towards populist Islamic religious symbolism with the failure of secular nationalism. The pronounced component of evangelical Christianity in American core community nationalism which the Trump campaign exploited is a reflection of this orientation in the US.

• Journal of Legislation Research
• /
• no.53
• /
• pp.61-107
• /
• 2017

It has been seventy-two years since the Korean Peninsular was divided into South and North Korea. When Korea was liberated from Japanese colonial rule in August 1945, the South and North established a capitalist system and a socialist system (communism) respectively, intensifying the ideological conflict and confrontation. The division of Korea was not confined to political and economical aspects, but extended to legal system, making it difficult to find legislative homogeneity in the two. The long-term situation of the divided nation results in a social phenomenon accompanied by legal division. For instance, shortly after its liberation from Japan's colonial rule, North Korea responded quickly to secure legal stability to govern the northern part while the Soviet army troops were stationed in it. Based on Marx and Engels' historical materialism, the North drove a change in its ideological superstructure by repealing the privatization of land property which was the means of production and finally enforced land nationalization, in common with other socialist states including the former Soviet Union. The North's land reform made under the guise of fulfilling national independence and doing away with anti-seigneurial and anti-feudalistic relations, has led to a wide difference in the systems between the South and Korea. This paper focuses on the legal systems of South and North Korea and is aimed at exploring the legal characteristics and environment of the North which became secluded from the world while engaging in socialist experiments for the past seventy two years against capitalism. Ongoing studies of legal system integration will be briefly discussed. The legal status of South and North Korea as a political entity will be investigated to overcome legal system division; and the characteristics of South-North relationship in legal terms and the limitations of the North's legal system will be also examined. Moreover, the directions for integrating legal systems and the plan for resolving legal system division will be suggested.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• v.27 no.2
• /
• pp.143-177
• /
• 2021

In the history of Korean literature, evaluations on 『Jirisan』 (Lee Byeong-ju) are bisected. Some evaluate it as a novel of authentic records which reproduces the history before and after the emancipation objectively while others say it takes advantage of anti-communistic ideology. This study analyzes that difference is resulted not from the distinction of perspectives but from cracks in the text. This is associated with the process of 『Jirisan』's publication. 『Jirisan』 was published serially in 『Sedae』 from 1972, and then, part of the manuscript was published in 1978 and the whole edition published in a series came to be republished in 1981. After that, in 1981 and 1985, part of the follow-up story was printed on the magazine, and then, with the memoirs of those two years as materials, the sixth and seventh volumes were again published through 'revision'. In other words, the publication of 『Jirisan』 is divided into that of the edition published in a series and that of the edition published in 1985 including the contents of revision. The theme of the work, 『Jirisan』 differs according to the point of its completion you may think of. This researcher pays attention to the difference of perspectives between the contents up to the fifth volume and those of the sixth and seventh volumes. Particularly, his evaluation on 'partisans' seems to have changed. In the edition published in a series, he extended 'partisans' into the independence movement in the Japanese colonial era under the Revitalizing Reforms system and adopted the representation of 'partisans' three-dimensionally whereas in the sixth and seventh volumes, he reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were the 'doctrinaire' and 'vicious' 'Reds' and had to be punished. In brief, with 『Jirisan』, he represented 'partisans' in the background of history before and after the emancipation and segmented the discourse, representation and ideology of the Cold War system, but in the process of revision, he stitched up 'partisans' as beings that were evil and losers. Consequently, with 『Jirisan』, he revealed the process of division and contention that proceeded around anti-communism/capitalism within the abyss of the 1970's to 80's and reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were either 'hostile (the Reds)' or 'unknown (losers)

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.78
• /
• pp.206-242
• /
• 2016

This study dealt with the U.S. government's book translation project as a part of its public diplomacy to gain the Korean people's 'minds and thoughts' in the midst of cultural Cold War from the end of World War II to the late 1950s. It was found that the U.S. book translation project was begun during the U.S. military occupation of South Korea, though with minimum efforts, and reached its peak in the late 1950s, In general, the purposes of the U.S. book translation project in South Korea was as follows: to emphasize the supremacy of American political and economic systems; to criticize the irrationality of communism and conflicts in the communist societies; to increase the Korean people's understanding of the U.S. foreign policies; to publicize the achievement of the U.S. people in the areas of arts, literature, and sciences. In the selection of books for translation, any ones were excluded which might contradict to U.S. foreign policy or impair U.S. images abroad. It must be noted that publications of a few Korean writers' books were supported by the project, if they were thought to be in service for its purposes. Even some Japanese books, which were produced by the U.S. book translation project in Japan, were utilized for the best effects of the project in South Korea. It may be conceded that the U.S. book translation project contributed a little bit to the compensation for the dearth of knowledge and information in South Korea at that time. However, the project may have distorted the Korean people's perspectives toward the U.S. and world, owing to the book selection in accordance with the U.S. government's policy guidance.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.50
• /
• pp.50-72
• /
• 2010

The purpose of this study was to investigate representation of media on Korean controversial historical incidents and its myth and ideology. Especially the authors paid attention to the MBC-TV Documentary which had dealt with many controversial issues in Korean society. Those issues had never been dealt by other Korean media before it began to do. Three episodes about the South-North Korea related issues were selected as main object of this study and were analyzed with various semiotic research methods, especially, paradigmatic analytical method, narrative analytic method and mythical analytic method. As a main result of this study, it was found that the Documentary tended to represent such controversial historical issues very differently from the previous representations of old newspapers'. Th e old newspapers tried to establish old myths; that is, 'myth of national crisis', 'myth of anti-communism', 'myth of scapegoat of college students', 'myth of intelligent agency's monopoly', 'myth of social stablization', etc, while the documentary changed to build up new myths; that is, 'myth of humanities', 'myth of peaceful unification', 'myth of freedom and democracy', 'myth of human rights, etc.' In short, it was concluded that the documentary was able to change some previous myths and ideologies through its changing representations.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.30
• /
• pp.239-273
• /
• 2005

This study compares the Korean and U.S. media's coverage of the No Gun Ri massacre, analyzing their usages of sources in the stories and explaining by the perspective of media sociology why they differed in them. For the comparison with the AP's report, we selected only the reports of the Korean media which dealt with the incident itself. It was found that most of the Korean media utilized a very small number of sources, and that they relied on the victims alone. In contrast, the AP's sources were much more numerous drawn from both the victims and offenders. As a result, the Korean media failed to ensure the 'diversity of sources' and to illuminate the whole picture of the incident, although they had started to report it far earlier than the AP. From the depth interviews with the reporters, through the framework of media sociology, it was found first at the personal level, that the difference was brought about by the divergent news evaluation. It seemed that the Korean journalists regarded the incident with relatively lower news value than their U.S. counterparts. Next, at the intra-organizational level, it was conceded, neither did the Korean new media have so flexible news collecting system, nor so murk man-power and resource as the AP, which were required for the coverage of such an incident. The Korean media had not established the convention to utilize various sources with conflicting interests. Last, at the extra-organizational level, the Korean news media's coverage was still influenced by the self-censorship mechanism due to the ideologies of 'pro-Americanism' and 'anti-communism', even though the democratization of Korean society itself enabled the sensitive incident to be dealt with eventually by the media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.40
• /
• pp.287-320
• /
• 2007

This study was to look into the press policy and the related activities performed by North Korea in the South during the Korean War and to evaluate them. In order to understand the concrete contents of the activities and their characteristics, the two representative newspapers published in the South by North Korea at that times - the Chosuninmin Bo and the Haebang Ilbo - were reviewed and analyzed. North Korea operated broadcasting and started newspapers just after the possession of Seoul. and also performed various positive press activities - such as the distribution of the newspapers and periodicals of North Korea and U.S.S.R., putting the movies on the screen, and founding the weekly, etc. But the target of all the media were the same. It aimed to support Kim Il-Sung's scheme which intended to carry out the war successfully and to make the South under occupation Communism System by introducing the Northern law and system. The two newspapers, as agent of power, made only such a role to agitate and exaggerate the false things with unrealistic optimism. They intended to ideologically mobilize the South people and to affect on their perspectives and acts. However the media including the two newspapers being operated in the South during the war had not got the faith or the good response from the South people as an audience. Most of South Koreans were tired with their endless and one-sided propaganda, agitation and ideological enlightenment. It could therefore be evaluated that the press activities by North Korea in the South during the Korean War resulted with many limitations in ideologically organizing and mobilizing the South Koreans.