• Korean Journal of Occupational Health Nursing
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• v.4
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• pp.58-83
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• 1995

The small scale industries which have less than 30 employees occupy 86.5% of total number of industries in Korea. And though they have higher accident rate and lower environmental condition than big industries, it has been not mandatory to appointing health care manager at factory. So, from 1993, government subsidizes to the health care management of small industries. The purpose of this study is to identify the real feature of health care status in small industries, and to evaluate the level of health care management, before and after the subsidiary program. 65 small plating industries which have been managed by the same health care management support institution in 1993 were selected for study. Of the 65 industries, 3 which have not taken both environmental evaluation and health screening in 1994, and 9 which have closed were excluded from study sample. And the remaining 53 were analyzed by using the results of environmental evaluation and health screening, reported to the Ministry of Labor, before and after the subsidiary program, the analysis was done by the comparison of the two year paired data of the same industry. Over-permissible-limit rate, health screening implementation rate, above grade C rate were calculated and compared. The status of health care management ; 1. Of the sample industries, 96.9% provide protective equipment and 80.0% set up ventilating system. Protective gloves (89.2%) and protective clothing (80.0%) are widely provided, but ear plugs (4.6%) are rarely provided. 21.5% of the protective equipment are well put on, and 40.4% of the ventilating systems function well. 2. In 1993, 35 industries, 53.8% of the sample, checked working environment twice. Over-permissible-limit rates of heavy metal (12.2%), suspended particle (11.1%), noise (5.5%) were high. To put on protective equipment and to set up local ventilating system were pointed out by the examiners. 3. General health screening was done at 63.1% of the sample industries and 35.3% of total workers were examined. Specific health screening was done at 93.8% of the sample industries and 75.4% of workers were examined. 15.5% of workers was provided to be above grade C and to have digestive system disease (43.3%), circulatory disease (18.9%), and hematopoietic disease (14.2%), etc. 4. In 1993, the subsidiary program of health care management was provided in forms of health education, health counseling, and rounding check of working field. And 61.5%, 83.0%, 55.4% of sample industries respectively received it. The average visit per industry was 1.8. Comparisons of the level of occupational health before and after the subsidiary program ; 1. Over-permissible-limit rates of hazardous factors of 1993 and that of 1994 were compared. The rates of suspended particle, noise, organic solvent of 1994 (37.5%, 13.4%, 24.2% respectively) were higher than that of 1993 (25.0%, 6.0%, 6.3% respectively). In the case of acid, there was no difference between the rate of 1993 and that of 1994. Only the rate of heavy metal decreased from 12.9% in 1993 to 3.0% in 1994. 2. General health screening was done at 38.7% of the sample industries in 1993 and at 44.6% in 1994. But the implementation rate of specific health screening decreased from 72.4% in 1993 to 64.6% in 1994. 3. The implementation rate of specific health screening was analyzed by some health factors. The rate of suspended particle increased from 61.8% in 1993 to 91.2% in 1994. But the rates of the others-noise, organic solvent, heavy metal, specific chemical substances-decreased. 4. Above grade C rate in health screening increased from 27.8% in 1993 to 35.5% in 1994. But that of endocrine disorders and pulmonary disease decreased.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.137-165
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• 1994

Structural adjustment of industry (or industrial restructuring) seems to be inherent in the process of capitalist economic development, which tends to be proceeded with shifts from one stage to another in order to overcome structural crises generated in each stage. The structural adjustment of industry is necessarily accompanied with regional restructuring, since it is not only projected on spece, but also mediated by space. Such a restructuring necessitates industrial and uneven regional devlopment through which capital can seek excessive profits over the rate of socio-spatial average. The industrial restructuring and uneven regional development in the 1980s in Korea can be seen as a process in which capital attempted with a strong support of the govenment to overcome the crises in the end of 1970s and hence to go on rapid economic growth. In this process, capital, especially monopoly capital concentrated into few conglomerates, pursued both extensive expansion and intensive development of industry simultaneously. In results, the Korean economy could eliminate some of peripheral characters and maturate the Fordist accumulation system. The extensive expansion of the Korean industry in the 1980s was stimulated mainly through the enlargement and adjustment of investment for equipment facilities which was planned to exclude or rationalize traditional light industries on some places, and to continue rapid growth of key heavy-chemical industries, especially of fabricated metal industry, on other places. In this process, keeping mainly the existing developmental axis which polarized the Seoul Metroplitan region and the Southeast region in Korea, the enhancing spatial mobiiity of capital and the further differentiating division of labour enforced a tendency of concentration of all types of industry in the Seoul Metropolitan region, and at the same time provoked the diffusion of some industries over Jeolla and Chungchong regions in a considerable extent. The intensive development of industriai structure in the 1980s was pursued through the strategic encouragement of subcontracting small firms mainly which produced assembling components, the technical enhancement and factory (semi-) automation, and the enrichment of service industries for estate management, finance, distribution and retailing which supported and complemented the production of goods. In this process, enabling capital to extend and elaborate its domination over space through the reorganization of regulating systems, the Fordist division of labour generated a socio-spatial hierarchy in the nation-wide scale that characterized: the Seoul Metropolitan region as an overmaturated (or overarching) Fordist region performing the conceptive functions of management, research and development, in which all types of industry (including service industries) tended to be reconcentrated; Kyungsang region as a maturated Fordist region with excutive branches of large conglomerates and with subcontracting firms around them which produced standardized products through the automized production processes in secialized Fordist industries or rationalized traditional industries; and Jeolla and Chungchong regions as newly devloping Fordist regions with newly migrated branches and some subcontracting small firms-in relatively older Fordist industries or partly rationalized traditional industries. From these analyses, it can be argued that the structural adjustment of the Korean industry in the 1980s, which had carried out both through the extensive expansion and the intensive deveiopment, strengthened further uneven regional development process, even though it appears to have reduced apparently the economic and regional disparity by balancing numerically large and small firms and by extending the Fordist industrial space nation-wideiy. And it seems more persuasive to see that the Korean industrial structure in the 1980s maturated the Fordist system of accumulation, but not yet transformed towards the post-Fordist (or the so-called flexible) accumulation system, even though the Korean economy in the 1990s seems to be under a pressure of restructuring towards the latter system.