• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.23
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• pp.3-43
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• 2010

Finding aids are tools which facilitate to locate and understand archives and records. Traditionally there are two types of archival finding aids: vertical and horizontal. Vertical finding aids such as inventories have multi-level descriptions based on provenance, while horizontal ones such as catalogs and index are tools to guide to the vertical finding aids based on the subject. In the web environment, traditional finding aids are evolving into more dynamic forms. Respecting the principles of provenance and original order, vertical finding aids are changing to multi-entity structures with development of ISAD(G), ISAAR(CPF) and ISDF as standards for describing each entity. However, vertical finding aids can be too difficult, complicated, and boring for many users, who are accustomed to the easy and exciting searching tools in the internet world. Complementing them, new types of finding aids are appearing to provide easy, interesting, and extensive access channels. This study investigates the development and limitation of vertical finding aids, and the recent trend of evolving new finding aids complementing the vertical ones. The study finds three new trends of finding aid development. They are (i) mixture, (ii) integration, and (iii) openness. In recent days, certain finding aids are mixed with stories and others provide integrated searches for the collections of various heritage institutions. There are cases for experimenting user participation in the development of finding aids using Web 2.0 applications. These new types of finding aids can also cause some problems such as decontextualised description and prejudices, especially in the case of mixed finding aids and quality control of user contributed annotations and comments. To solve these problems, the present paper suggests to strengthen the infrastructure of vertical finding aids and to connect them with various new ones and to facilitate interactions with users of finding aids. It is hoped that the present paper will provide impetus for archives including the National Archives of Korea to set up and evaluate the development strategies for archival finding aids.

• The Journal of Korean Academy of Prosthodontics
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.8-17
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• 2019

Purpose: The study analyzed the prevalence of peri-implantitis and factors which may have affected the disease. Materials and methods: This study based on medical records and radiographs of 422 patients (853 implant cases) who visited Ewha Womans University Mokdong Hospital Dental Center from January 1, 2012 to December 31, 2016. Generalized estimation equations (GEE) was utilized to determine the statistical relationship between peri-implantitis and each element, and the cumulative prevalence of peri-implantitis during the observation period was obtained by using the Kaplan Meier Method. Results: The prevalence rate of peri-implantitis at the patient level resulted in 7.3% (31 patients out of a total of 422 patients), and at the implant level 5.5% (47 implants out of a total of 853 implants). Sex, GBR, guided bone regeneration (GBR) and functional loading periods had statistical significance with the occurrence of peri-implantitis. Upon analysis of the cumulative prevalence of peri-implantitis in terms of implant follow-up period, the first case of peri-implantitis occurred at 9 months after the placement of an implant, and the prevalence of peri-implantitis showed a non-linear rise over time without a hint of a critical point. Conclusion: The prevalence of peri-implantitis at the patient level and the implant were 7.3% and 5.5%, respectively. Male, implant installed with GBR and longer Functional Loading Periods were related with the risk of peri-implantitis.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.78-103
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• 2020

Transcribed Buddhist sutras generally consist of a frontispiece illustration, sutra illustrations, and sutra text, although some parts may be lost over time. Most transcribed sutras originally include an official record of the transcription (saseonggi) at either the beginning or end of the volume, which document various details of the production, including who commissioned the sutra and when it was transcribed. If such records are unavailable or difficult to decipher, the date of the sutra can only be estimated by comparison to other works with known production dates. This is the case with Korean Treasure #978, the "Transcription of the Avatamsaka Sutra (Zhou Version) in Gold on White Paper" (hereinafter, "Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29"), which does not contain any details of its production. Based on formal comparisons, the volume has been estimated to date from the early Joseon period. Important criteria for estimating the production date include the type of calligraphy script and the overall expression of the sutra illustrations. However, these features are missing from some early Joseon sutras, making it difficult to definitively assert which characteristics are representative of the period. Also, transcribed sutras from the late Goryeo period (after 1350) and early Joseon period are often very similar in terms of the expression of the frontispiece illustrations and sutra illustrations. From the late Goryeo period through the early Joseon period, the illustrations of transcribed sutras, which had previously been relatively detailed and realistic, gradually became more formalized and stylized. Significantly, Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 includes illustrations showing both styles of expression (i.e., realistic and formalized). Moreover, the hemp leaf design on the frontispiece and the border around the sutra illustrations are unique features that have never been seen on any other transcribed sutras. Notably, however, Avatamsaka Sutra in Gold on White Paper, Volume 26 (hereinafter, "Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 26"), which has not yet been introduced in academic research, is complete with frontispiece, sutra illustrations, and sutra text. This sutra is identical to Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 in size, composition, and details, and is thus estimated to have been produced at the same time and by the same patrons. According to the record at the end of the volume, Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 26 was commissioned in 1348 by Gi Cheol (d. 1365), which corresponds to the estimated date of Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 derived by formal comparison. Based on this new information, Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 was likely produced in the late Goryeo period rather than the early Joseon period, as has previously been presumed. The new study of Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 26 also seems to confirm that both sutras were transcribed by highly skilled artisans in 1348 of the late Goryeo period, a transitional phase in the expression of sutra illustrations.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.78-97
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• 2021

Seojangdaeyajodo is a drawing of military night training on February 12th (lunar leap month), 1795. Focusing on the Seojangdaeyajodo, the characteristics and of the costumes worn by various types of officials were examined. There were 34 officials located near King Jeongjo in and around Seojangdae, with 27 Dangsanggwan and 7 Danghagwan. They wore three types of costumes, including armor, yungbok, and military uniforms. All of the twelve armor wearers and the five officials wearing yungbok were dangsanggwan, and the military uniform wearers included eleven dangsanggwan and six danghagwan. For the shape of the armor, the armor relics of General Yeoban, suitable for riding horses, and the armor painting of Muyedobotongji were referenced, and the composition of the armor was based on practicality. The armor consists of a helmet, a suit of armor, a neck guard, armpit guards, arm guards, and a crotch guard. The color of the armor was red and green, which are the most frequently used colors in Seojangdaeyajodo. The composition of yungbok was jurip, navy cheollik, red gwangdahoe, socks made of leather, and suhwaja. The composition of the military uniform was a lined jeolrip, dongdari, jeonbok, yodae, jeondae, and suhwaja. There were differences in the fabrics used in dangsanggwan and danghagwan military uniforms. Dangsanggwan used fabric with depictions of clouds and jewels, and danghagwan used unpatterned fabric. Moreover, jade, gold, and silver were used for detailed ornamental materials in dangsanggwan. The weapons included bows and a bow case, a sword, a rattan stick, wrist straps, and a ggakji. In the records of the King Jeongjo period, various colored heopsu were mentioned; the colors of the dongdari and jeonbok of dangsanggwan and danghagwan were referenced in various colors. It was presented as an illustration of costumes that could be used to produce objects accurately reflecting the above historical results. The basic principle of the illustration was to present the modeling standards for 3D content production. Samples of form, color, and material of the corresponding times and statuses were presented. The front, the side, and the back of each costume and its accessories were presented, and the colors were presented in RGB and CMYK.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.209-242
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• 2021

This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.331-358
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• 2020

This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.281-304
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• 2022

Heungdeokjeon was the first pavilion built on the site of Sueocheong during the expansion of Gyeongungung. In this study, we tried to clarify the specific construction process of Heungdeokjeon, which was used for various purposes such as the copy location for Portraits of ancestors, temporary enshrinement site, and the funeral building for the rest of the body, which is Binjeon. In addition, we tried to confirm the historical value based on the characteristics derived by the history of the building and the rituals performed. Heungdeokjeon began to be built in the second half of 1899, and is estimated to have been completed between mid-February and mid-March 1900. It was a ritual facility equipped with waiting rooms for the emperor and royal ladies as an annex. The relocation work was planned in April 1901 and began in earnest after June, and it was closely linked to the construction of attached buildings of Seonwonjeon. In addition, comparing the records on the construction and relocation cost of Heungdeokjeon with those related to the reconstruction of Seonwonjeon, it was confirmed that annex buildings of Heungdeokjeon were relocated and used as annex buildings of Seonwonjeon. The characteristics identified in the process of Heungdeokjeon used as a place to copy portraits are as follows. First, it was used as a place to copy portraits twice in a short period of time. Second, it was the place where the first unprecedented works were carried out in relation to the copying of portraits. Third, the pavilion, which was specially built for imperial rituals, was used as a place to copy portraits. Since then, it has been used as a funeral building for the rest of the body, and features different from those of the previous period are identified. It was the building dedicated to rituals for use as Binjeon, and was also a multipurpose building for copying portraits. In other words, Heungdeokjeon, along with Gyeongbokgung Taewonjeon, is the building that shows the changes in the operation of Binjeon in the late Joseon Dynasty. Characteristics are also confirmed in portrait-related rituals performed at Heungdeokjeon. The first is that Jakheonlye was practiced frequently in a short period of time. The second is that the ancestral rites of Sokjeolje and Bunhyang in Sakmangil, which are mainly held in the provincial Jinjeon, were identified. This is a very rare case in Jinjeon of the palace. The last is that Jeonbae, jeonal, and Bongsim were implemented mutiple times. In conclusion, Heungdeokjeon can be said to be a very symbolic building that shows the intention of Gojong, who valued imperial rituals, and the characteristics of the reconstruction process of Gyeongungung.

• Journal of the Korean Orthopaedic Association
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.54-61
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• 2020

Purpose: Brown tumor is a tumor-like disease that can occur as a linked disease of hyperparathyroidism which can causes osteoporosis, osteitis fibrosa cystica, pathologic fractures. Brown tumor has been reported as a case report, but there is no comprehensive report on the exact diagnosis and principle of management for osseous lesion. The purpose of this study is to report the treatment and results of osseous lesions through 5 cases. Materials and Methods: From February 2004 to May 2015, five cases of Brown tumor were diagnosed in Chosun University Hospital and Chonnam National University Hospital orthopedic department. Medical records and radiographs were reviewed retrospectively. Parathyroid tumors were surgically removed, and surgical treatment and observation were performed for orthopedic osseous lesions. Results: The mean length of the long axis of the symptomatic osseous lesion was 6.2 cm (4.5-9.0 cm). An average of 7.6 (range, 3 to 14) of high uptake osseous lesion showed in whole body bone scan. The absolute value, T-score and Z-score of the vertebrae and proximal femur were adequate for diagnosis of osteoporosis using dual energy X-ray absorptiometry bone mineral density at diagnosis and recovered to normal at the last follow-up. In laboratory tests, serum concentrations of total calcium, ionized calcium, inorganic phosphorus, serum alkaline phosphatase, and parathyroid hormone were helpful to diagnosis and normalized upon successful removal of parathyroid adenoma or cancer. Conclusion: For accurate diagnosis of Brown tumor, it should be accompanied by systemic examination as well as clinical symptoms, laboratory tests and radiologic examination for osseous lesions. And a good prognosis can be expected if the hyperparathyroidism is treated together with the comprehensive treatment of osseous lesions.

• Journal of the Korean Orthopaedic Association
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.154-161
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• 2020

Purpose: To describe the clinical and radiology results of a surgical treatment for clinodactyly due to a longitudinal epiphyseal bracket. Materials and Methods: This study analyzed the records of 11 patients (27 case) with clinodactyly due to a longitudinal epiphyseal bracket who underwent an osteotomy or physiolysis between March 1999 and April 2017. The preoperative range of motion of the proximal and distal interphalangeal joints, the subjective satisfaction of the patient, and the degree of angulation to the ulnar side were examined. The patients were classified into two groups: osteotomy and physiolysis. The results were reviewed retrospectively and compared according to the surgical method. Results: The mean age of the patients who underwent osteotomy was 10.3 years. The average preoperative angle was 25.7° and the average postoperative angle was 13.5° the mean correction rate was 47.4%. The mean age of the patients who underwent physiolysis was 6.0 years the mean preoperative angle was 24.5° and the postoperative angle was 10.7°. The average correction rate was 59.4%. No significant difference in the correction angles was observed between the group who underwent the correction osteotomy and the group who underwent the osteotomy. In each group, the postoperative correction was statistically significant. The range of motion at the last follow-up was not significantly different from the preoperative range of motion. Conclusion: In patients with clinodactyly due to longitudinal epiphyseal bracket, osteotomy or physiolysis may be performed selectively according to age, bone age, and radiological progression. Both surgical methods showed good clinical results and deformity correction.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.415-455
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• 2019

This paper aimed to clarify the identity and category of the Jeong Jeongnyeol-je Chunhyangga from the perspective of the pansori transfer, while revealing the trajectory of Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, which remains in the modern pansori. Jeong Jeong-ryeol's Chunhyangga pansori part has been handed out to date, and except for the love song section, the pansori section, which corresponds to the love-separate-suffering-reunion paragraph, is almost complete. In the case of "Lee Doryeong enters Dongheon," "Hwangneungmyo song," and "The royal secret inspector visits Chunhyang's house to console her", there is a difference in pansori rhythm compared to Chunhyangga, which is currently held. "Why Yi Doryeong came to Chunhyang's House" is used in the form of an Aniri in the current Chunhyangga and "Chunhyang is treated as a virtuous woman in Namwon" is the only one included in Park Rokju's Changbon. "The royal secret inspector gathers people of Namwon to give a feast" is a new part that is not found in Chunhyangga, which is now being held, and can be seen as the Changgeuk sori of pursuing theatrical fun. On the other hand, this paper confirmed that the period between 1936 and 1937, when the Joseon Traditional Vocal Music Group actively performed Changgeuk and the record companies released a series of Changgeuk records, such as and , was an important time for the re-establishment of the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, and that the Chunhyangga of those who had learned it before 1936-1937 was different from those who had learned it after that period. The preceding group includes Park Rok-ju, Kim Yeo-ran and Kim So-hee, while the latter group includes Kim Yeon-soo, Jung Kwang-soo, Park Dong-jin, Jung Kwang-soo and Kang Do-geun. In addition, except for Kim So-hee, these two groups are divided by the time they have learned Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je, whether they inherit the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je from beginning to end, and by the gender of male and female singers. In teaching his pupils, Jeong Jeong-ryeol chose to use the "old-fashioned pansori" teaching method with impromptu plate-making in mind and the "modern pansori" teaching method with stereotyped sounds in mind. As a result, there were two aspects of Jeong Jeongryeol-je Chunhyangga's succession: a female singer-centered succession, which was held as learned from beginning to end, and a male singer-centered succession, which was held differently depending on the pansori schools or versions.