• 중국학논총
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• no.66
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• pp.265-280
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• 2020

朱子學與陽明學同爲儒家思想主流的學風,分別通過學科繼承和發展過程,形成了後學羣集。特別是朱子學對韓國油價產生了影響,其學脈也正以正統的形式傳承下去,具有相當大的影響力。但從鑄字學和韓國儒家聯繫的時代潮流來看,形成了以黃簡爲主軸的金化學派,除此之外,還需要對鑄字學的研究。因此,論者開始着眼於與金化學派一起佔據朱子後學重要部分的"雙峰學派",而處於這一中心的學者正是"饒魯"。他通過對朱子學的批評性繼承和發展,引領了朱子後學時代。在他的思想哲學中,特別是對"四書","大學·中庸"的解釋,既承擔了主子後學的作用,又揭示了主陸融合的思想特徵。據史料記載,對此的研究不僅有助於理解朱子後學的思想步伐,還有助於查明和理解韓國留學的特性。

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.147-174
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• 2007

"Theory on the Sufficiency of Yang and the Deficiency of Yin(陽有餘陰不足論)" mainly instituted as follows: The 'Yang Qi(陽氣)' of the heaven(天) has changed to 'Qi(氣)', and the 'Yin Qi(陰氣)' of the earth(地) has changed to 'Xue(血)', 'Qi(氣)' is always sufficient and 'Xue(血)' is always deficient. 'The Always Sufficient Qi(氣常有餘)' means 'the fire always exists(常有火)', and 'the fire(火)' is 'the premier fire(相火)'. 'The premier fire(相火)' is always in men's body and causes 'activities(動)' which is the core characteristic in men's life, and in other side it always has opportunities to be made symptoms by 'the abnormal activities of the premier fire(相火妄動)'. In 'the always deficient Xue(血常不足)' , 'Xue(血)' is the 'Yin Qi(陰氣)' of liver and kidneys[肝腎] which is attached by 'the premier fire(相火)', as it means 'Xue(血)' and 'Jing(精)'. He suggested that 'the premier fire(相火)' is the power of human life, but if 'the premier fire(相火)' is not based on 'Yin Qi(陰氣)', it can not fulfill its function. So he thought that the maintenance and fulfillment of 'Yin Qi(陰氣)' is very important. In conclusion, "Theory on the Sufficiency of Yang and the Deficiency of Yin(陽有餘陰不足論)" explains the basic character of men's life which 'Dong Duo Jing Shao(動多靜少)', so 'the premier fire(相火)' which control 'the activities(動)' is always being and 'Jing Xue(精血)' which control 'Jing(靜)' is always scare.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.147-162
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• 2015

Objectives : The purpose of this study is to investigate splenic constipation syndrome(脾約證) in Shanghanlun by comparing 179 & 247 provisions. Methods : Including Shanghanlun, several texts which contain Cheng Wu-ji, Wan Mi-zhai, Qian Huang, Zhu Gong, Fang You-zhi, Yu Jia-yan, Zhang Lu, Cheng Ying-mao, Zhang Xi-ju, Chen Xiu-yuan, Wu Qian, Xu Ling-tai, You Zai-jing, Zhu Dan-xi's opinion about the splenic constipation syndrome were chosen and comparative consideration was carried out. Results & Conclusions : The following conclusions could be drawn. 247 provisions in Shanghanlun is different from 179 provisions because the beginning of the each splenic constipation syndrome is different. The difference between 179 & 247 provisions are proved by comparing Mild Purgative Decoction which is used Taiyangyangming splenic constipation syndrome and Fructus Cannabis Pill which is used Dorsal pedal pulse splenic constipation syndrome. Cheng Wu-ji's opinion that 179 & 247 provisions is different is meaningful because he is first investigated the different beginning of the splenic constipation syndrome. Several annotator's opinion which oppose Cheng Wu-ji is majority and they set a high value on Jangbu(臟腑) factor. Several annotator's opinion which agree Cheng Wu-ji is minority and they set a high value on splenic constipation syndrome also begins from Taiyangbing. The concept of overlapping of Taiyangyangming is different from the concept of Taiyangyangming. Consequently 179 & 247 provisions has to be distinguished.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.295-317
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• 2014

This is the issue of this paper: What was the reason for Daoxuejia(道學家) in Song Dynasty to interpret 'ke-ji(克己)' as 'removing private desire'? 'ke-ji-fu-li'(克 己復禮)' is a phrase presented by Confucius as a way of practicing Ren(仁). The interpretations of Ren(仁) concept by Daoxuejia(道學家) have been reviewed. They interpreted Ren(仁) as Tian-li(天理) and thought its contents as 'Tian-di-shengwu-zhi-xin(天地生物之心)'. Zhu xi(朱熹) associated the concepts of sheng-sheng (生生), Xu(虛), Rou(柔), etc. and provided philosophic explanations on the interpretation of Ren(仁) raised newly by Ercheng(二程) and the interpretation of 'ke-ji-fu-li' (克己復禮). It is fact that Zhu xi criticized ardently Daoism but did not think nothing was worth taking from it. The stands of Daoxuejia(道學家) scholars in Song Dynasty on "removing private desire(去私欲)" presented in this paper could be the grounds supported such opinion.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.34
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• pp.141-169
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• 2020

This study focuses on the interpretation and transformation of "The Great Learning" within the Korean new religion, Daesoon Jinrihoe. Joseon Dynasty Korea was a member of the Chinese Character Cultural Sphere in East Asia. The examination and recruitment system of the Yuan Dynasty influenced the Joseon Dynasty for a long historical period. Zhu Xi's (朱熹) version of The Four Books were accepted and applied in imperial examinations during the Joseon Dynasty. The 18th century Confucian thinker, Jeong Yak-Yong (丁若鏞), overturned and rebuilt his own system for studying and interpreting The Four Books (四書學). Zhu Xi and Jeong Yak-Yong's systems of thought influenced Confucianism knowledge in that era. The historical figure deified as the Supreme God by Daesoon Jinrihoe, Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山), was trained in the study of The Four Books within that cultural and philosophical context, and this is especially evident in his interpretation and transmission of "The Great Learning." Kang Jeungsan regarding The Great Learning as deeply important. That text combined Confucian discourse on Principle, Mind, and Practice. In his interpretation, The Great Learning was also a medical and religious book that had holy and mysterious powers. In Mugeuk-do and Taegeuk-do (direct predecessors to Daesoon Jinrihoe), Jo Jeongsan interpreted the concept of Sincerity and Regularizing the Mind and incorporated them into doctrine as 'Sincerity, Respectfulness, and Faithfulness' and 'Guarding against Self-deception.' Park Wudang practiced and spread those doctrines to Korea, and Daesoon Jinrihoe devotees continue to follow those doctrines in present times.

• Geomechanics and Engineering
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.499-511
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• 2015

The creep property of salt rock significantly influences the long-term stability of the salt rock underground storage. Triaxial creep tests were performed to investigate the creep behavior of salt rock. The test results indicate that the creep of salt rock has a nonlinear characteristic, which is related to stress level and creep time. The higher the stress level, the longer the creep time, the more obvious the nonlinear characteristic will be. The elastic modulus of salt rock decreases with the prolonged creep time, which shows that the creep damage is produced for the gradual expansion of internal cracks, defects, etc., causing degradation of mechanical properties; meanwhile, the creep rate of salt rock also decreases with the prolonged creep time in the primary creep stage, which indicates that the mechanical properties of salt rock are hardened and strengthened. That is to say, damage and hardening exist simultaneously during the creep of salt rock. Both the damage effect and the hardening effect are considered, an improved Maxwell creep model is proposed by connecting an elastic body softened over time with a viscosity body hardened over time in series, and the creep equation of which is deduced. Creep test data of salt rock are used to evaluate the reasonability and applicability of the improved Maxwell model. The fitting curves are in excellent agreement with the creep test data, and compared with the classical Burgers model, the improved Maxwell model is able to precisely predict the long-term creep deformation of salt rock, illustrating our model can perfectly describe the creep property of salt rock.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.67-75
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• 2017

The culture of Gugok (九曲) and Dongcheon (洞天), which tries to reach the ideological culmination in Confucianism, was widespread throughout the Joseon dynasty. This was an extension of the spirit of studying and honoring Zhu Xi (學朱子, 尊朱子); thereby, Confucian scholars in Joseon expressed the will to follow the teachings of Zhu Xi (朱子) and comforted themselves that they were in the course of attaining the truth. As a realization of this expression of will, scholars designated and operated various scenic sites as Gugoks, following the example of Zhu Xi's Mui Gugok (武夷九曲), and Dongcheons, as a representation of the utopia. These designations are widespread nationwide, with around sixty Gugok locations that have now been reported in academia. However, the actual number of Gugoks exceeds this number, and many of them are currently not identified concerning the exact locations. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to identify the locations of Gugoks and Dongcheons scattered around Seoul, Gyeonggi and Gangwon regions. For the coordinates of Gugoks and Dongcheons, this study referred to the literature, web search and the books published by local cultural institutes. Based on the collected information, the researchers conducted field trips to investigate whether the record exists as a real location and, if so, acquired their coordinates. This study also provides the tables of Gugok or Dongcheon that only exists in the imagination, existed before but now are lost, or are inaccessible. Eight locations in Seoul, Gyeonggi, and Gangwon regions are understood as Gugok. Among them, Gogun Gugok and Okgye Gugok have relatively clear locations and records. Byeokgye Gugok and Suhoe Gugok, on the other hand, has many locations and titles overlapped, and their established time and managers are unclear. As for Ui Gugok in Seoul, it is known to be set by Hong Yangho, but some parts of its locations are confirmed, others are in dispute, and many locations are damaged. Thirty-eight locations in Seoul, Gyeonggi, and Gangwon regions are understood as Dongcheon. There are sixteen Dongcheons in Seoul area. Among them, those including Dohwa Dongcheon, Yangsan Dongcheon, and Ssangnyu Dongcheon actually exist but are forbidden to be accessed. There are thirteen Dongcheons in Gyeonggi area. The exact location of Onsu Dongcheon cannot be confirmed because of the development; Gwirae Dongcheon has historical records, but the actual existence cannot be confirmed. There are nine Dongcheons in Gangwon area. The researcher judged that Hwaeum Dongcheon is the misspelled record of Hwaeumdong Jeongsaji (華陰洞精舍址), which is located at the upstream of Gogun Gugok.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.71-103
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• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.63-96
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• 2013

$L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) was one of the famous philosophers during the Southern Song period, and is called one of DongNamSanXian(東南三賢) together with ZhuXi(朱熹) and ZhangShi(張?). With his profound knowledge transmitted and uphold by JiaXue(家學), $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) established his learning system, interacting with scholars of those days. Principally, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s XinLun(心論) was based on Mengzi(孟子)' theory of LiangXin(良心) and BenXin(本心). $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) explained the meaning of such a conscience through ChuXin(初心) and Inner NeiXin(內心). According to $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙), ChuXin(初心) arouses when one encounters external things, and this one's intention enables us to make the right judgments over the outside objects. NeiXin(內心) means LiangXin(良心) and BenXin(本心) that recovered the ability of moral awareness. The important significances of $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s XinLun(心論) are XinWai WuDao(心外無道), and XinWaiWuTian(心外無天). Through these, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) emphasized that Tian(天), Dao(道), and Li(理) are one. $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) arranged a meeting of EHuSi(鵝湖寺), and exerted efforts to negotiate the academic differences between ZhuXi(朱熹) and LuJiuyuan(陸九淵). However, compared with LuJiuyuan(陸九淵) who asserted FaMingBenXin(發明本心), $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) put the emphasis on DaoWenXue(道問學) with self-awareness of conscience. Meanwhile, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) valued much of Jing(敬) like ZhuXi(朱熹). But, to $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙), Jing(敬) meant WuJianDuan(無間斷) of ChunYiBuZa(純一不雜) DaoDeXin(道德心), and implied the same as Cheng(誠). $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) stressed the reading and pursuit of study, however, he also asserted that Li(理) could be understood and realized through self-awareness of one's mind and its reflection, and working without interruption. $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s academic tradition of the XinXueDe XueFeng(心學的 學風), which reveals through compromise and confrontation with ZhuXi(朱熹), can be said that it will have a significant meaning of idealism of dispute in the Southern Song period.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.47
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• pp.139-172
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• 2023

This study aims to look into the concept of Human Mind and Moral Mind and the issue of their axiological interpretation in Daesoon Thought. In the Song dynasty, the concept of the Human Mind and Moral Mind was understood as indicating two aspects of the universal Human Mind. Discourse on this theory was undertaken by scholars such as Cheng Yichuan (程伊川), Su Shi (蘇軾), and Zhu Xi (朱熹). The differences between the Human Mind and Moral Mind were interpreted as issues of cultivation. The discussion of the Human Mind and Moral Mind were established through a systematic theory by Zhu Xi, and this developed into various forms of discourse and ideological stances thereafter. One of the most important issues of the Human Mind and Moral Mind theory was its axiological interpretation, which was divided largely into three patterns. One was to interpret the Human Mind and Moral Mind as evil and good respectively (proponents included Cheng Yichuan and Zhu Xi in his early theories), the other one saw them as value-neutral and good (proponents included Zhu Xi, Toegye 退溪, and Yulgok 栗谷), and the last one interpretation held them as pre-evil and pre-good (Dasan 茶山). As the Human Mind and Moral Mind can be seen as a universal human issue, the examination of those patterns in the Confucian tradition would be meaningful for understanding the Human Mind and Moral Mind as a theoretical base in Daesoon Thought. In Daesoon Thought, the Human Mind and Moral Mind are defined as private and public respectively, but no further explanation is provided regarding these items. If we infer by considering the two in the light of the overall ideology and values that Daesoon Jinrihoe pursues, the Human Mind can be said to represent basic biological desires such as clothing, food, and sexual satisfaction all of which are human vital activities needed for the preservation of the human race. The Moral Mind can be seen as a mind that is set upon practicing morality and realizing the ideological aims of 'supporting the nation and comforting the people,' 'vast saving all creatures,' and achieving 'harmony and peace for humankind.' However, the conscience and the selfish mind, which are related axiologically to the Human Mind and the Moral Mind, are defined respectively as good and evil and explained in a relatively systematic way which includes conceptual claims and details on the origin of these aspects of mind. The reason why the discussions of the conscience and selfish mind are more systematically described than the Human Mind and Moral Mind seems to be that issues relating to the conscience and selfish mind are more directly applicable to matters of religious doctrine.