• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.116
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• pp.313-350
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• 2010

This article studies criticism leveled at Yulgok scholarship by the Toegye School in the northern Gyungbuk region. The Toegye School (Yulgok School) was formed both by theoretical contention and constructive criticism with its counterparts. Accordingly, the main intellectual traits of the Toegye School may not be fully appreciated by inquiring into its theoretical structure and context only; rather, this study proposes that a sound understanding of the Toegye School must be accompanied simultaneously with an analysis on aspects of the altercation with the Yulgok School of the time. In this regard, this article primarily aims to shed light on the Toegye School's theoretical context through surveying the criticism leveled by the Toegye School in the northern Gyungbuk region, which hold steadfast adherents to the discipline among other regions, against the Yulgok scholarship. Embracing the Confucian ethic, the philosophical principles of the Toegye School based on autonomy of 'Li'(理), i.e. ethical objectivism, basically aimed at reaching the state of self-manifestation. Namely, the main objective of the Toegye School was to anchor the way how the school understood existential form and cause of the universe to an ethical foundation in a crystal clear way and, accordingly, this belief in which the Toegye School gave a priority to 'Li' rather than 'Gi'(氣) must have given an advantageous position in terms of theoretical clarity over its counterparts. Furthermore, the crux of the Confucian ethical world view in the Toegye School's modes of inquiry could berevealed by the Toegye's 'Libal(理發)-theory'. From this point of view, the fundamental criticism that could be waged by the Toegye School was against Yulgok scholarship's gross misconception of perceiving 'Gi' as 'Li.' Scholars and commentators in the Toegye School severely disapproved of the possibility of ethical objectivism of Yulgok scholarship.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.39-70
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• 2014

Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung either accepted Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was or modified it. In this study, his Neo-Confucianism was divided into acceptance and modification in Yulgok Neo-Confucianism and examined. In the acceptance of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, it was clarified that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung thoroughly inherited characteristics of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, including 'Yiguijimyo', 'Yitongguiguk' and 'Guibalyiseungildo'. However, Myungjae was not just satisfied with inheriting Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was, but modified and inherited the theory of Yulgok by suggesting his own original preaching. There were three original preaching of his in overall; 'emphasis on the control of Li', 'argument method on a theory of gaining knowledge by the study of things', and 'perception on moral mind, human mind and human desire'. Ultimately, it is concluded that Myungjae modified, inherited and developed Yulgok Neo-Confucianism to adjust a theory of Neo-Confucianism in a position of 'Yiguijimyo', based on 'a theory of Guibalyiseungildo' of Yulgok as a Confucian scholar of Giho school. It is consistent with his life philosophy that he avoided speculative arguments on Neo-Confucianism and pursued solid study(實工) with solid mind(實心). It is also consistent with his view of learning that he believed that theories of ancient sages were already rich that we should read them and practice their true knowledge(眞知), and making an effort on writing regardless of them was not a study of Mushil(務實). However, due to his younger students, he was classified as a scholar who emphasized the control of 'Li' the most in Yulgok school, and a new academic tie of Giho Soron was created. It is the most important significance that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae has in that of Giho.

• Journal of Oriental Neuropsychiatry
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.165-181
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• 2018

Objectives: The purpose of this study is to use in therapy through considering representative oriental philosophical thought in terms of psychotherapy and Oriental medicine. Methods: This study examines psychotherapy and oriental aspects of "Diagram theory of InShimDoShim" that Yulgok, a Neo-Confucian scholar in the Joseon Dynasty, wrote about action of the mind and suggests ways to use it. Results and Conclusion: Diagram theory of InShimDoShim contains much content that can be applied in psychotherapy. It has a positive perspective of human nature and looked at life as realization of nature and life as subjective self-realization. Positive and negative experiences of life are expressions of positive nature. By reinterpreting these experiences, humans contribute to the goal of life that expresses their nature in a healthy way. Yulgok defines a healthy mind capable of living a good life as "an inshim who listens to doshim's command". Therapists can adopt this mindset as the goal of psychotherapy. Yulgok said that the way of manifesting nature is only possible through energy, and that the clear and tidy of this temperament creates a healthy and unhealthy mind. In this part, it is possible to apply therapeutic intervention of the diagram theory of InShimDoShim and Oriental medicine. Oriental medicine can calm temperament by using a treatment method to regulate energy, and clear energy creates a healthy mind and body. The principle that the mind is composed of nature and energy provides a basis for psychosomatic medicine.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.305-334
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• 2008

This paper is intended to present the philosophical thoughts of Yu Won-Ji who was one of famous scholars in The School of Toegye. He criticized Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang(Yeohyeon) because they regarded Li and Ch'i as one. Yi was considered an actual founder of their theoretical and political rival party called the School of Yulgok. Jang also refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory, which emphasized the unity of Li(principle) and Ch'i(material force). Therefore Yu might well exclude Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang and criticize their theories severely. First, he was convinced that Toegye's doctrine(Li-Gi-Ho-Bal-Seol) was a orthodox theory accurately succeeding to Jhu Xi's learning. Secondly, he criticised Yi I(Yulgok) for looking upon Li and Ch'i as one thing. Thirdly, he regarded Jang's doctrine as same with Yulgok's. Fourthly, he thought it is necessary to criticize Jang's theory in order to preserve Toegye's learning and establish the theoretical identity of the Toegye School.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.345-377
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• 2017

Jang Hyeongwang is one of the leading scholars since the era of Toe'gye and Yulgok in Korean Confucianism. Thus, this paper will summarize his schooling, i.e., education in local school(Hyanggyo), specific activities, and the meaning of moral education. Although Toe'gye and Yulgok recognized the problems of local school and their indictment revealed in 16th century, they sought different solutions to overcome the issues. Toe'gye paid attention to establishment of local academy(Seowon) and strengthening its stature in order to renew Confucian education while Yulgok kept an eye on reformation of local school as government educational institution for revitalizing schooling, fostering the talented and establishing moral discipline. In this context, I will summarize Yeoheon's perspective on schooling in terms of the difference with Toe'gye and Yulgok's ideas. Especially, I will analyze his problematique paying attention to restoration of moral order in local communities devastated since Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and how it makes connection with local education and its implication. Furthermore, I will systematically examine the educational regulation of Indong local school(Indong Hyanggyo) he proposed and what its contents and real body he intended. In addition to these, I will suggest how much Yeohon's ideas on local education are meaningful in moral education and what kind of insightful things they would give us in current educational environments.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.447-468
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• 2009

Jeong Si-Han(1625-1707), one of the main representatives of Toegye School in The mid-Korea Dynasty, seeking to live in seclusion of his life engaged in research work, respected by scholars for generations. He, Together with Yi Hyeon Il(1627-1704), carried out a systematic study of Toekye's Interpretation of the "Four Buddings" and "Seven Feelings". In this paper, from a comparative point of view, The author studied Jung Sihan's Li-Qi Theory, Four-Seven Theory, Human Mind and Mind of the Dao. Although his theory of interpretation about Li-Qi Theory, Four-Seven Theory, is the tendency of compromise Toegye and Yulgok's thought, but from the master and servant and upper and lower relationship between Li-Qi and Four-Seven Theory, Jung Sihan preferred the thought of Toegye. The characteristics of Human Mind and Mind of the Dao is Emphasis on Zhu Xi's theory about human mind of "is-to-be"

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2014

As part of reconsideration on naming of the scenic site No.1 "Myeongju Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang," this study attempts to identify whether there is any mistake with reference to place naming of Korea's No.1 scenic site and if so, to correct the problem by examining the origin of the name and its transition progress through analysis and interpretation of old maps, ancient documents such as traditional geographic books, Yusangi(遊山記) and Letters Carved on the Rocks. The findings of this study are as follows: In traditional geographic books, a term of 'Mt. Cheonghak(靑鶴山)' was first found from "SinjungDonggookyeojisungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)" and after a place name, 'Sogumgang(小金剛)' first appeared in "Yeojidoseo(輿地圖書)" in the middle of the 17th century, it was reproduced in "Jungsuimyeongji(增修臨瀛誌)", which was published in the early 20th century. However, as a result of analyzing old maps, the place name, Sogumgang cannot be found in any local or national map except place names such as Cheonghak-dong, Mt. Cheonghak and Temple Cheonghak. Even though 'Biseonam,' 'Cheonyudong,' 'Gyeongdam' and 'Mt. Cheonghak' appear in Yulgok's "Yucheonghaksangi(遊靑鶴山記)", any part in which 'Sogumgang' was referred is not found. Later, Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang seemed to had been called 'Mt. Cheonghak' or 'Cheonghak-dong(靑鶴洞)' for more than three centuries as seen in Lee Sun-il's "Godamilgo(孤潭逸稿)", Heo Geun's farewell records, Heo Mok's "Cheonghak-dong Guryongyeongi(靑鶴洞九龍淵記)", Yoon Sun-geo(尹宣擧)'s "Padongilgi(巴東日記)" and Lee Won-jo's letters and a poem composed by Gang Jae-hang in the middle of the 18th century is the only record in which the place name, 'Sogumgang' is shown. Meanwhile, 'Sogumgang' carved on Inung Rock(二能巖) in front of Temple Gumgang is presumed to be carved by Inunggyeoone(二能契員) in the 1870s or in 1930s, considering the size of each character, calligraphy, overall layout, wear extent and records in Jiriji. Therefore, no evidence can be found to say that each character of 'Sogumgang' was written by Yulgok because 'Sogumgang' has strong evidences of the origin of its place name. To sum up the findings stated above, since Yulgok's "Yucheonghaksangi", this place seems to have been referred as 'Mt. Cheonghak Cheonghak-dong' and as it is confirmed that the place name, 'Sogumgang' first appeared in "Ohyeongosijo(五言古時調)" of "Ibjaeseonsangyugo(立齋先生遺稿)" and "Yeojidoseo" in the middle of the 18th century, it can be inferred that the place name, Sogumgang had been partly mingled as an another name of Mt. Cheonghak. Therefore, even though it is difficult to say the existing place name has a significant problem, it is thought that it will be better to name 'Mt. Cheonghak Cheonghak-dong' rather than 'Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang' in order to stress on this place's traditional identity as a scenic site related to Yulgok. In addition, as confirmed in this study process, it is said that each character of place names, 'Mt. Cheonghak' and 'Gyeongdam(鏡潭)' and name 'Yoon Sun-geo' carved in Rock Sikdang stated in Yoon Sun-geo's "Padongilgi" in 1964 is a pledge showing the influence of "Yucheonghaksangi" as an ancient travel literature as well as a mark of the Giho school scholars' respect and spirit to honor Yulgok.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.155-184
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• 2014

This Paper is research for Yulgok School(栗谷學派)'s lixue(禮學) in the first half of 17c centering around Uiremunhae(疑禮問解) and Uiremunhaesuk(疑禮問解續). Uiremunhae and Uiremunhaesuk are a book between Kim Jangsaeng(金長生) Kim Jip(金集) and his follower's questions & answers about li. A book or letter of questions & answers about li is useful for comprehension of lixue's opinion, especially questions & answers about controversial li shows their critical mind and a foundation of cognition for li. Thus I make showing then situation of Kim Jangsaeng and his follower in relates to understanding and performing Zhuxi's family rituals on analyzing questions & answers about controversial li. Kim Jangsaeng Kim Jip and his follower's characteristic of lixue are several on analyzing Uiremunhae. First, Kim Jangsaeng and his follower researched for Zhuxi's family rituals with systematic approach and in-depth research, and detailed in reference to the Classic of li, Zhuxi, Zheongyi(程?), Zangzai(張載)'s thoery of li and chinese lixue data, and Lee Hwang(李滉), Lee Yi(李珥), Song Yikpil(宋翼弼), Jeong Goo(鄭逑)'s thoery of li and korean lixue data. Next, on questions & answers about controversial li, Kim and his follower basically maintained following Zhuxi's family rituals. Zonfa, sacrificial rituals and funeral rituals are all such that, and if there happened omission and contradiction in Zhuxi's family rituals, they refered to Zhuxi's theory of li on the collected works of Zhuxi and the analects of Zhuxi and searched righteous li by historial invesigation. Then, Kim and his follower critically were in succession to Lee Yi and Song Yikpil's thoery of li. finally, They also had to considered then situation on li(Zhuxi's family rituals' li and ancient li)'s operation and actualizatin on considering principle and mind of li.

• Journal of Korean Elementary Science Education
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.149-162
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• 2019

The purpose of this study was to develop an education for sustainable development(ESD) program using community resources in Paju and to investigate the influences on ESD competencies of 6th graders. The community resources used were Unjeong lake park, environmental circulation center, environmental management center, currency museum, butterfly museum, experience center for peaceful unification, Yulgok arboretum, and Jangsan observatory. The newly developed program was related to creative-experience activity and composed of 15 sessions for 6th-grade class in elementary school, including all of the environmental, economic, and social aspects of ESD. Two classes of the 6th grade were divided into the experimental group and the control group. The results to examine the effects of the program were as follows. First, it was proven that ESD program using community resources did not help improving the perception and function competencies of learners except for the thinking abilities. Second, it contributed to the improvement of learners' attitude competencies, especially in self-reflective attitude and other-oriented attitude. Also, according to in-depth interview, the students were constantly developing their values for sustainable development, reflecting their thoughts and behaviors in a reflective way and improving their attitude toward life.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.33-54
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• 2010

Woodam(愚潭) Jeong Si-han(丁時翰, 1625-1707) played an important role in the formation and development of the Toegye School. This writing explores the way Woodam understood the thought of Toegye(退溪, 1501-1570) as presented in The Book of Four-Seve Demonstration(四七辨證) The 17th century that Woodam lived in was the period in which monism and dualism coexisted. Woodam's understanding of Toegye's thought can be summarized as follows: 1) Woodam followed Toegye's li(理)-qi(氣) defense and his view on the origin of nature and emotion, acknowledging Toegye as the orthodox transmitter of Zhu Xi's teachings, 2) Woodam considered that the difference between the past and the contemporary teachings was simply caused by the difficulty of comprehending the character "li (principle) ". Thus he criticized Yulgok(栗谷, 1536-1584)'s claim that "that which rises is qi (material force), and that which gives rise to qi is li," and followed instead Toegye's views of the entivity, dynamism, and ultimacy of li and its substantial function. Yet, Woodam further developed Toegye's thought and asserted that "in the midst of the marvelous unity of li and qi, li is always dominant and qi is always ancillary." 3) Woodam criticized Yulgok's thought and advocated Toegye's doctrine of the mutual motion of li and qi(理氣互發說), thereby following Toegye's insistence that difference can be observed in sameness and sameness can be observed in difference, that integrative thinking is needed to constructively embrace both analytic and synthetic judgments. In conclusion, Woodam understood profoundly and correctly Toegye's views on the relationship between li and qi and between nature and emotion, and explained them more concretely. In so doing, he endeavored to live the life by the teachings of Toegye.