• International journal of advanced smart convergence
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.119-129
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• 2024

We look at Web 3.0 business model canvas (BMC) of metaverse gaming platform, The Sandbox (TS). As results, the decentralized, blockchain-based platform, TS benefits its creators and players by providing true ownership, tradability of decentralized assets, and interoperability. First, in terms of the governance and ownership, The SAND functions a governance token allowing holders to participate in decision and SAND owners can vote themselves or delegate voting rights to other players of their choice. Second, in terms of decentralized assets and activities, TS offers three products as assets like Vox Edit as a 3D tool for voxel ASSETS, Marketplace as NFT market, and Game Maker as a visual scripting toolbox. The ASSETS made in Vox Edit, sold on the Marketplace, can be also utilized with Game Maker. Third, in terms of the network technology, in-game items are no longer be confined to a narrow ecosystem. The ASSETS on the InterPlanetary File System (IPFS) are not changed without the owner's permission. LAND and SAND are supported on Polygon, so that users interact with their tokens in a single place. Last, in terms of the token economics, users can acquire in-game assets, upload these assets to the marketplace, use for paying transaction fees, and use these as governance token for supporting the foundation.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.32
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• pp.113-146
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• 2006

This study explored how media and interpersonal communication affected voters in Busan mayoral by-election, focusing on the mutual relations among media use and attentive use of political campaign, interpersonal communication, and voting participation. Also, comparative analysis between image factor and the factor of political party influencing the decision of a candidate were examined. Additionally, it was analysed differential media effects on candidates' image. According to the results, the local media use and attentive use of political campaign had the influence on the increase of interpersonal communication about the election. Voters who had much interpersonal discussion with others participated more than voters who had less interpersonal discussion. Media use did not directly affect the participation of voting, but indirectly contributed to participation of voting through interpersonal discussion. The assumption of differential media effects on candidates image was partly proved. There were statistically significant differences in the factor of competence of candidates' image among three experimental groups (attentive use of TV discussion program, Internet web sites of two candidates, and printing materials of political advertisement). Furthermore, with three main vote variables, issues, candidates image, party identification, the results of comparative analysis between image factor and the factor of political party influencing the choice of a candidate suggested that a sense of oneness with a party was highly related to the choice of the candidates of the party, however, candidates' image was not related to the decision of a candidate. Political party had more impact on for whom to vote than candidates' image in this study.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.79-115
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• 2022

This study aims to account for electoral choice in the 2020 presidential election by focusing on social identity which forms the basis for core partisan groups. Two views compete to explain the origins of polarization, policy versus party. One emphasizes policy as more influential in choosing presidential candidates. This follows the tradition of retrospective voting theory in which voters' choice rely on government performance. Incumbent president whose performance proves well are rewarded to be reelected. Policy performance is based on measures around distinctive preferences for government spending. Republican Individuals prefer individual responsibility to government support, while Democratic counterparts support government support. Another perspective put an emphasis on the role partisanship which favors in-party members and disfavors partisan out-groups. Interparty animosity plays the key role in determining electoral behavior. This study relies on the Views of the Electorate Research (VOTER) Survey which provides a panel data of several waves from 2011 to 2020. A comparative evaluation of two views highlights three findings. First, policy matters. Policy preferences of voters are the primary drives of political behavior. Electoral outcomes in 2020 turned out to be the results of policy considerations of voters. 53.7 percent of voters tilted toward individual responsibility voted for Trump, whereas 70.4 percent of those favorable views of government support than individual responsibility voted for Biden. Thus effects of policy correspond to a positive difference of 26.4 percent points. Second, partisanship effects are of similar extent in influencing electoral choice of candidates: Democrats are less likely to vote for Trump by 42.4 percent points, while Republicans are less likely to vote for Biden by 48.7 percent points. Third, animosity of Republicans toward Democrat core groups creates 26.5 percent points of favoring Trump over Biden. Democrat animosity toward Republican core groups creates a positive difference of 13.7 percent points of favoring Biden.

• KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.520-541
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• 2023

In CRNs, SS is of utmost significance. Every CR user generates a sensing report during the training phase beneath various circumstances, and depending on a collective process, either communicates or remains silent. In the training stage, the fusion centre combines the local judgments made by CR users by a majority vote, and then returns a final conclusion to every CR user. Enough data regarding the environment, including the activity of PU and every CR's response to that activity, is acquired and sensing classes are created during the training stage. Every CR user compares their most recent sensing report to the previous sensing classes during the classification stage, and distance vectors are generated. The posterior probability of every sensing class is derived on the basis of quantitative data, and the sensing report is then classified as either signifying the presence or absence of PU. The ISVM technique is utilized to compute the quantitative variables necessary to compute the posterior probability. Here, the iterations of SVM are tuned by novel GO-PSA by combining GOA and PSO. Novel GO-PSA is developed since it overcomes the problem of computational complexity, returns minimum error, and also saves time when compared with various state-of-the-art algorithms. The dependability of every CR user is taken into consideration as these local choices are then integrated at the fusion centre utilizing an innovative decision combination technique. Depending on the collective choice, the CR users will then communicate or remain silent.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.171-202
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• 2018

Issue ownership concerns a party's issue handling reputation. When a party is perceived to have the best solution for an issue, voters identify the party as the owner of the issue. Extant literature of issue ownership voting shows that voters tend to vote for a party that they identify as the owner of an issue they concern most. That is, the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditioned by the perceived salience of the issue in question. This study investigates another condition of issue ownership voting: i.e. party behavior in election campaigns. It argues that the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditional: it depends on party behavior as well as issue salience. During the campaign in the 2016 legislative election, only the Democratic Party of Korea, the opposition party at that time, actively presented itself as the owner of economic issues. The analysis results of this study show that the identification of the Democratic Party as the economic issue owner affects voting for the party when a voter thinks the economy to be the most important issue. However, the identification of the other parties as the economic issue owner does not affect voting for them under the same condition. The results support the argument that party behavior as well as issue salience are conditions of issue ownership voting.