• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.7-32
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• 2006

This study is about the cultural policy related to fine art under the U. S. Military Government in Korea(USAMGIK), from September 8, 1945, to August 15, 1948. Drawing on the previous studies of Korean art history in the 'Liberation Period', this study especially concentrates on intention, attitude and activities of the USAMGIK. Particularly the historical documents, stored at the National Archives at the College Park, Maryland, U.S.A., were valuable to do research on the cultural policy of USAMGIK. The cultural policy was subordinated to the political objectives of occupation that can be summarized to building a stronghold of anti-communism in South Korea. Under the U.S. Military government control, cultural matters were assigned to the Cultural Section, the Bureau of Education, which later turns into the Bureau of Culture, the Department of Education. The Bureau of Culture dealt with matters of the ancient Korean art treasures and of the Korean contemporary art. USAMGIK reopened the Korean National Museum which had been closed by the Japanese since the World War II period. After that, U.S. Department of State sent arts & monuments specialists to South Korea for investigating ancient Korean art and culture. Although some of the destructed art treasures were restored during the occupation, th ere were many negative cases including intentional destruction of historic sites or loot of art treasures by U.S. army. In contrast to their interest in the Korean antiquities, USAMGIK payed little attention to promoting the Korean contemporary artists and their arts. USAMGIK distrusted and suppressed the artists of leftism, while they kept good relations with the pro-American artists and the right-wing artists. In conclusion, the visual-cultural policy of USAMGK was mainly planned and carried out in order to preserve the national interest of the United States. This period produced long-term effects on the fine art and visual culture of South Korea, in terms of institution, policy, and reorganization of art community based on anti-cummunism.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.177-191
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• 2019

Global trade protectionism has increased further and U.S. priorities and protectionism have strengthened since Trump took office in 2017. Trump administration is actively implementing tariff measures based on U.S. domestic trade laws rather than the WTO rules and regulations. In particular, the American government has recently been imposing high tariffs due to national security and imposing economic sanctions on other countries' imports. According to the U.S. Trade Expansion Act Section 232, the American government imposed additional tariffs on steel and aluminum imports to WTO member countries such as China, India, and EU etc. on march 15, 2018. Thus, this study aims to investigate whether the U.S. Trade Expansion Act Section 232 is consistent with GATT/WTO rules by comparing the legal basis of US / China / WTO regulations related to Section 232 of the U.S. Trade Expansion Act, and gives some suggestions for responding to the Section 232 measure. As the Section 232 measure exceeded the scope of GATT's Security Exceptions regulation and is very likely to be understood as a safeguard measure. If so, the American government is deemed to be in breach of WTO's regulations, such as the most-favored-nation treatment obligations and the duty reduction obligations. In addition, American government is deemed to be failed to meet the conditions of initiation of safeguard measure and violated the procedural requirements such as notification and consultation. In order to respond to these U.S. protection trade measures, all affected countries should actively use the WTO multilateral system to prevent unfair measures. Also, it is necessary to revise the standard jurisdiction of the dispute settlement body and to explore the balance of the WTO Exception clause so that it can be applied strictly. Finally, it would be necessary for Chinese exporters to take a counter-strategy under such trade pressure.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.23
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• pp.257-297
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• 2010

The U. S. government has a long history to classify and manage governmental records which are created, collected, and preserved for itself. During the colonial period before the independence, the U. S. mostly practiced the maintenances of secret records and restrictions of access to the records following a long convention without any specific legal authority. Since establishment of the U. S. Constitution, the government had kept secret records on the basis of constitutional authority. However, the U. S. government began to take shape the secret records management system when it participated in the World War I, which required the system to reflect the needs in reality to manage drastic increases in important military and foreign relation documents. The World War II made the U. S. government strengthen its secret records management system, and its conception of secret records management system at that time has sustained until now. It can be said that the current secret records management system of the U. S. government continues to be managed by constitutional authorities and the executive orders which are opt to change. This article intends to review the secret records management system of the U. S. from the initial history of the U. S. to the Cold War. To understand its system of secret management, the paper investigates the U. S. secret records management history by dividing into three periods: the period of establishment of its tradition(the Colonial era~just before the WWI); the period of taking shape of its system (the WWI~the WWII); and the period of current conception of its system. The criteria of these divisions are created based on the differences of the laws relevant to the secret records and the application methods of secret management system in reality.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.801-816
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• 2014

This paper is a theoretically grounded empirical study aimed at shedding light on the Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government (U-I-G) relations in biotechnology cluster of Singapore. It questions the issue about the gap between theoretical consideration of the Triple Helix of U-I-G relations and the actual reality in biotechnology cluster, and the experience of Singapore was investigated. In terms of evolutionary perspective, biotechnology cluster in Singapore has gone through ongoing processes from a certain stage to other, and within the processes the Triple Helix nexus has been found. Analysis of the empirical study reveals significant findings: first, the government policies play a critical role in the operation of U-I-G relations rather than universities; second, therefore, the binding force of U-I-G relationships is based on the government policies being comprehensive including researchers immigration, student scholarship for local students, and tax and non-tax incentives for firms, rather than focusing on a targeted policy; third, the role of government starts from an initial stage, and it's role is ongoing processes by supporting infrastructure, human sources and continuous nourishment enabling the triple helix of U-I-G relations.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.217-236
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• 2008

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the impact of the New Container Security Initiatives of U.S., CSI(Container Security Initiative) and C-TPAT(Customs-Trade Partnership against Terrorism). The CSI which aims to pre-screen high-risk containers in ports of loading. It is a unilateral effort that seeks to develop bi-lateral agreements between the United States and foreign countries with significant container trade volumes into the U.S. C-TPAT is a voluntary initiative to develop cooperative security relationships between the U.S. government and U.S. firms in the global supply chain. Government and Industry have already responded with proposals to create more confidence in supply chain security. These proposals call for heightened inspection and scrutiny of the goods flowing through a supply chain, increased information exchange among participants of supply chain. While government and the private sector are working together to launch new initiative to create more secure and reliable supply chains, industry is rapidly exploring the potential of new technologies such as RFID. The security recommendations will eventually become the requirements to be complied with by importers and their supplier extending to the carriers. It is needed that Korean shippers involved in US importer's supply chain should pay attention to the requirements and start implementing the security measures.

• The Journal of Society for e-Business Studies
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.103-126
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• 2015

Compared to other countries, cloud computing in Korea is not popular especially in the government sector. One of the reasons for the current not-fully-blossomed situation is partly by early investment in huge government datacenters under Korea's e-government initiative; let alone, there was no strong control tower as well as no enforcing law and ordinances for driving such cloud computing initiative. However, in 2015 March 'Cloud Computing and Privacy Security Act' (hereinafter, Cloud Act) had been passed in the Parliament and from September 2015 Cloud Act was deployed in Korea. In U.S., FedRAMP (Federal Risk Assessment and Management Program) along with Obama Adminstration's 'Cloud First' strategy for U.S. federal institutions is the key momentum for federal cloud computing adoption. In 2015 January, U.S. Congressional Research Service (CRS) has published an extensive monitoring report for cloud computing in U.S. federal institutions. The CRS report which monitored U.S. government cloud computing implementation is indeed a good guideline for Korean government cloud computing services. For this reason, the purpose of the study is to (1) identify important aspects of the enacted Korean Cloud Act, (2) describe recent U.S. federal government cloud computing status, (3) suggest strategy and key strategy factors for facilitating cloud adoption in public organizations reflecting SDLC strategy, wherein.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.45-67
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• 2010

This study is to reconstruct the user-oriented e-government service based on home network infrastructure using ubiquitous computing technology. Until now, 31 e-government roadmap tasks have been promoted as main projects of e-government. This study explores what should be respective priorities for the suppliers and users of e-government if the services are provided in linkage with home network infrastructure. The result of survey showed us that the efficiency of administration and the improvement of the civil service, including citizens' online participation should be priorities. In order to reinforce home network infrastructure in implementing u-government, the government, at first, has to relax regulation, support businesses to develop related technologies, and construct safe infrastructure for citizens to use e-government services. Second, businesses should develop home network technologies that include various contents and construct home network systems that citizens can use easily. Third, citizens should have interests and participate in the government policies for home network services. Particularly, this study aims to suggest policies that consider positions of both the suppliers and users of e-government so that home network-based e-government can be implemented in the future.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.15 no.10
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• pp.173-182
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• 2010

Recently, the society confronts unpredictable disasters and the aspects varies in diverse ways. As a pessimistic perception on the social safety starts emerging, the UT utilized actional system for disaster is viewed as a solution. Therefore, in this paper, I provided UT applied forecast prototype which is a portion of u-Gov's application services. Also, as one of UT applied policy subject, I distinguished and analyzed the differences between e-Gov and u-Gov and, finally, suggested u-Gov's reform in order to surpass e-Gov's limitation and amelioration for possible problems during prototype materialization.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.55-66
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• 2019

For the past 66 years, the Korea-U.S. alliance has been a typical asymmetric alliance in which the U.S. supports South Korea's security during the Cold War and South Korea gives some of its policy autonomy to the U.S. But Lee Myung-bak government military alliance the 'comprehensive strategic alliance' of the character, 'value of alliance', Park Geun-hye ' a global, 'Frontier of cooperation', the government.'reciprocal, comprehensive alliance' Moon Jae-in, the government and partnerships developed with ' euroui the development of national security strategy said. The purpose of this study is to explore ways to build a reciprocal and comprehensive Korea-U.S. alliance for the development of the Korea-U.S. alliance policy in order to ensure South Korea's policy autonomy following changes in the Trump administration's alliance policy. The results of the research show the need for Korea to participate in the U.S.-led 'India-Pacific Strategy' continue diplomatic efforts for the mutual economic benefits of the two countries and strengthen public diplomacy in order to build the Korea-U.S. alliance in a reciprocal and comprehensive manner.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2012

This study analyzes messages from Korean TV debates on the conflict over U.S. beef imports and the process of negotiations over the imports in 2008. The authors have conducted a content analysis and a semantic network analysis by using KrKwic and CONCOR. The data was drawn from nine TV debates aired by three major TV networks in Korea (MBC, KBS, and SBS) from 27 April 27 2008 to 6 July 2008. The results indicate substantial differences in the semantic structure between arguments by the government and those by civic groups. We also investigated the relationship between the terms frequently used by both sides (i.e., the government and civic groups), and the terms used exclusively by one side. There was a gradual increase in the number of terms frequently used by both sides over time, from the formation of the conflict to its escalation to its resolution. The results indicate the possibility of general agreement in conflict situations.