• Journal of the Korean Institute of Educational Facilities
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.101-112
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• 2005

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.95-95
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• 1993

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.9-37
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• 2014

This article is to review academic aspects of Iljae Lee Hang through Toegye Lee Hwang's comments. Iljae Lee Hang (一齋 李恒: 1499~1576) is a representative Neo-Confucian scholar in Honam area in 16th century. His Sung Confucianism was known to Toegye Lee Hwang by Gobong Gi Dae Seung and consequentially received attention from academic world. Lee Hang's Sung Confucianism, however, has hardly drawn attention since 17th century due to Lee Hwang's negative assessment. Impeaching Lee Hang's academic attitude and methods, Lee Hwang evaluated him as having many problems. Lee Hwang criticized that Lee Hang studied Neo-Confucianism with no great effort and he was so much confident to say 'Logic of the world does not deviate from this' based on Chengzi and Zhuzi's saying which was only appealing to his ideas. Lee Hang actually cited theories of Chengzi and Zhuzi and stressed self-complacency when necessary, which therefore made him fail to exhibit consistency. Iljae partly brought Lee Hwang's criticism upon himself. Lee Hwang's negative assessment is not to be literally accepted but his assessment is helpful indeed to critically examine Lee Hang's Neo-Confucianism.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.121-153
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• 2018

The eight most prominent students of Lee Jin Sang discussed and developed the doctrines of the Master while discussing with the surrounding Toegye scholars. The purpose of this paper is to examine the differences between the doctrines of Toegye and the doctrines of Hanju in their discussions. First, the two were originally aimed at the same scholarship, so they discussed in a friendly atmosphere and some of the Toegye scholars participated in Hanju group. but at a certain point, they were a violent atmosphere of confrontation. Next, I tried to clarify the confrontation between Juli and Jeugli. And I tried to explain that they had different thoughts about domination of li. In addition, I looked at the meaning of excessiveness and compromise, the key words to criticize others and defend oneself. Finally, I explained that the ultimate difference between the two schools is in the methods of mind cultivation.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.287-312
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• 2018

Confucianism which pursues the right relationship between person and person, depicts the ideal that moral individuals contribute to community development. In the 16th century, Toegye Yi Hwang, the authority of Korean Confucianism, reflected his educational intentions and interests and made the whole of the body of Confucianism and the whole process of the study into a series of 10 paintings 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning'. The purpose of the education which is claimed in the 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning' is to become a saint, and it ultimately coincides with the purpose of moral education which is to be introspective and practical moral man. The whole theme of 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning' is related to revealing the principles of humanity and morality in order to restore human nature on the basis of piety. Piety(敬) is also a purpose and a method of self-discipline, and is the main content. The method of education for traditional confucianism is aiming for the organic integration of purpose, content and method of education and reveals the consistency of the combination of knowledge and behavior in content and method. Exploring the universal value of traditional culture and re-raising moral culture that is important in traditional education is to discuss that what is valid for the present and the future is derived from the past tradition. That may be useful in solving today's educational problems. Especially, it is very meaningful to adopt a reflective approach to cultivate talented people who can 'realize oneself' and 'care for the community' which is the ultimate goal of education through analyzing the essence of moral education pursued by traditional education.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.229-264
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• 2009

This paper aims for a study on the theory that mind is Li(principle). The method of research is laid emphasis on searching for the historical development of the perception Theory in late Cho-Sun. First of all, I investigated a meaning of the perception theories of Ho-Rak school, that were criticized in the Cho-Sun academic world. The next, I investigated the theory of Li-ju-Ki-ja that was raised by Yi Sang Jung. He thought that Li is supervisor and Ki is assistance. And he put a construction on the Perception Theories of Toegye school. Yi Jin sang's theory of perception is the result of criticism against Ho-Rak school, and a fresh and in-depth construction of Yi Sang Jung's perception theory. His viewpoint was contradiction to the theory of Sim si Ki(the theory that Mind is made of Ki). And he rediscovered the human conscience that was born endowed from Heaven.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.49-61
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• 2019

This study aims to examine the spatial recognition of the characters who visited Anuisamdong(安義三洞) in the past and left it in the literature. Thus, the school's relationship between people identified in the relevant literature was analyzed and the elements of landscape were extracted. The results were as follows; First, The figures who authored the literature on Anuisamdong were related to scholars living in Anuihyun(安義縣), along with the Yeongnam confucian genealogy. Starting with Jung, Yeo-Chang(鄭汝昌) in the 15th century, a relationship centered on Nammyeong School(南溟學派) in the 16th century was formed. At that time, people had toured the Anuisamdong regardless of the academic background. In the 17th century, Nammyeong School were in conflict with Toegye School(退溪學派), so Toegye School's influence had no record. In the 18th century, the proportion of Nammyeong School, Toegye School, and Kiho School(畿湖學派) appeared similar as they evolved into the Yeongnam School(嶺南學派). After the 19th century, the proportion of patriots who participated in the anti-Japanese movement was higher than that of schools. Second, The main places used in the literature related to Anuisamdongwere the order of Wonhakdong(猿鶴洞), Hwrimdong(花林洞) and Simjindong(尋眞洞). There are a total of 21 major elements used for the related literature, of which Suseungdae Rock(搜勝臺), Morijae House(某里齋), Nongwaljeong Pavilion(弄月亭), Sasundae Rock(四仙臺) and Cheoksuam Rock(滌愁巖) were the main subjects. Elements of Wonhakdong have been in the spotlight since the 16th century, focusing on Suseungdae Rock. Although the elements of Hwarimdong have been increasing gradually since the 18th century, the ratio of Simjindong to Wonhakdong and Hwarimdong was relatively small. Third, The relationship between the figures who visited the Anuisamdong and the spatial recognition of the Anuisamdong was divided into landscape awareness, emotional awareness and symbolic recognition. The Anuisamdong's scenic view is mostly identified by its description of the waterscape and topographical landscape, which people may have perceived as a scenic site centered on the valley view at the time. The mutual influence of Nammyeong School and Toegye School in the 16th and 17th centuries led to a scene in which the major figures of each school recognized pleasure as a culture of training, and a feeling of longing for the traces of past ancestors as the 18th century travel culture and the 19th century chaotic situation. In addition, the symbolic expression that usually appears is likely to have been recognized as a unworldly place, as the location of the immortal world is confirmed.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.33-52
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• 2011

This study intends to understand Kobong's thought, especially the problem of Self-cultivation. Kobong, along with Toegye(退溪), is a major figure to understand Confucian ideas of Chosun in the 16th century. There has been a lot of research centered on Kobong's Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情), but not much on the Self-cultivation of Kobong. Confucianism is basically to seek after actualization of Perfect Virtue(仁) and the way to be a sage, through the pursuit of self-discipline(修己 明明德) and social practice(安人 新民). The problems of Confucianism might be summarized as follows: interest and appreciation for the source of existence(知天/事天); harmony in relationships and practices(愛人/愛物); both of the above together. Therefore, Self-cultivation is to change the self, the subject of one's life, through the relationship between man and heaven. Kobong and Toegye had debated for about eight years(1559-1566) over the problem of human nature, especially emotion(情), and virtue and vice(善惡) fundamental position of Toegye is that the difference between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) can be understood as emotion with qualitative distinction. By contrast, Kobong sees the relationship between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) as that of total and partial. Discussion on the Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) is not restricted within the problem of logical analysis of concepts or theoretical validity, but come to a conclusion with the problem of Self-cultivation(修養). In this sense, Kobong tried to follow Neo-Confucian theory of human nature and self-cultivation, on the assumption of Confucian self-discipline and social practice.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.6
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• pp.141-158
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• 1979

This is a bibliographical study of the editions of the Hsin-Ching-Fu-Chu published between 16th and 17th centuries, together with the postscript written by Yi-Hwang. For this research, 14 kinds of the editions are studied, the results of which are analyzed as follows; (1) The publishing date: 2kinds of the editions are published before 1969, and 12 kinds after 1569 when Yi-Hwng died. (2) The method of publishing: 2 kinds were printed by movable types, the others by block-plates. (3) The publishing place: 12 kinds were put out in Korea, and 2 kinds in Japan. The publishing places of 6 kinds of Korean editions are known. They are Muncheon-Gun, Gyoseokwan, etc.., For other 6 kinds of Korean editions, the publishing places are unknown. (4) 6 kinds of editions were printed in the double-border-line style, and consisted of 10 lines, each line having 17 characters. Such forms are regarded as the traces of the printing style of Gyoseokwan. One kind of editions was printed with single-border-line.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.61-80
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• 2011

This study estimated the prototype of Yangjindang at the time of its foundation by putting together the literature and discovered data and historical research on family related to Sangju Yangjindang, and looked at its architectural characteristics. These are summarized as follows: First, Yangjindang is an office building which was completed in three years [1629] after its start of construction when Keomgan Jojeong was at the age of 72 [1626] in his latter days and it was used for performing ancestral rites for Jojeong's forefathers of the head family of Pungyang Jo by family origin. Yangjindang was founded as a base of utopia for putting ancestral rites & commemoration, harmoniousness of a tribe, and educational idea into practice together with Ojakdang. Such a movement can be judged to interpret and apply the circumstances of the times realistically and flexibly where they tried to pursue the promotion of Confucianism & studies of the proprieties as well as the consciousness of practice, and to bring a tribe into harmony after the war through the retirement of Toegye School. Second, it is located at a topographically ideal spot on the edge of the Jangcheon-a tributary of Nakdong with a good physiology and landscape and its location was also the lot for a house of Jojeong's ancestor, which was burned down by war. Behind such a location and planning of Yangjindang, it is presumed, though not certain that it was modelled after Naeap village at Andong- Jojeong's parents-in-low's home. Third, as for its foundation size, it's a head house as much as about more than 100-kan, and its structure is composed of Samyo, Bonche, and Yangjindang. In addition, arrangements of buildings and its composition system and renovation procedures followed Chu-tzu Garyoe. Composition of Samyo can be restored to Yangjindang, Jugo, Woesammun, and Samyo; however, there has been no case of existence in case of Jugo building composition & arrangement takes on an aspect of a compromise between Gamyojido and Sandangjido of Garoe, which seems to be the result from flexibly interpreting and applying the rituals and studies of the proprieties of Toegye School in keeping with locational topography and realistic circumstances while making it a principle for them to observe by Toegye School. There exists a difference between Bonche and its counterpart of the upper class housing at Sangju district in that Bonche[main building] is a squre-shaped 'Ttuljip' typical of Andong setting a family ancestral ritual as a main function. Fourth, there existed a lot of hardships in raising money to cover repairs in time of doing repairs to this structure after 180 years since its establishment. In case of the repair work on Bonche, the level of renovation was limited to the replacement of old materials for rafters, doorpost, roof members and railings with new materials, together with partial alterations in case of window system. It is estimated that Yangjindang was renovated in 1808, and afterwards it was renamed Okryujeong after being re-built at another site. Through the repairs, the floor was expanded for the clan's meeting, and angle rafters and roof members were mended as well. Especially, the plane and structure of Okryujeong which was re-built at another site are expected to give clues to its restoration due to the resemblance to original appearance of Yangjindang at the time of its renovation in 1808.