• Trans-
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• v.12
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• pp.81-106
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• 2022

The possibility of metaverse system to be a catalyst for hyper-connected society will be dependent on the speed of connected technological development and its social utilization in the same manner as AI technology. Putting these technical realization processes in brackets, this paper focus on some philosophical-political issues in connection with cognitive-ecological changes in the future cinema which will be influenced by the complexive techno-socio couples of accelerated development of metaverse system. Generally speaking, essence of metaverse system seems to be the degree of immersion by technical accuracy, but is not true. In perspective of cognitive-ecology, flow degree of a picture or photograph is relied not on 'accuracy of representation' but on its message's contextual link-up. In this aspect, real potentiality of metaverse system shall be understood in the context of cognitive-ecological changes of human brain's multi-intelligence networking abilities(intersection of augmentation-simulation and outside-inside) which will be activated in the new structure of natural-social-technological coupling of metaverse system. These cognitive-ecological potentialities have been partially actualized in the cinematic process of tripod mimesis for the longest time, [real contradiction/conflicts (Mimesis-1) -->fictional solutions of cinema (Mimesis-2) --> selective interpretation of spectator's wish fulfillment (Mimesis-3) --> real change (Mimesis-1')]. Therefore metaverse's real potentiality must be considered to be dependent on the possibility of deepening and extending of cinematic circulation between real seperation/problems and ideal connection/solutions. In this context, advanced metaverse system can be compared as a modern technical version of ideal circulation of physics and metaphysics

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.33-40
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• 2020

When most middle-aged women live in a time when they have to take responsibility for their lives, they feel lonely when they realize that their experience of not expressing their feelings properly has ended up being left alone due to their own existence and loss. As the first step in conscious awareness of unconsciousness of middle-aged women through analytical psychology, we performed "Mandara" and "Nanhwa Mandara," which meet me inside. The intermediate stage can be divided into transition and work phase. The working phase, develops one's own advantages and unique strengths that meet the inner world of promoting and acting values, correctly looks at reality, corrects emotion perception and balance, and is self-contained, seed mandala, associative mandala. They performed the strong points of mandala, the free mandala, and the Western mandala. The results of the study showed that mandala art therapy was found in middle-aged women. First, Mandarin art therapy experience affects the physical, psychological and human relations aspects of middle-aged women. Second, middle-aged women's experience of individualization through mandala art therapy shows psychological reversals and affects positive thinking and self-effectiveness. This study was suitable for qualitative research that approached the essence through practical understanding and direct exploration of research participants, and it is meaningful to suggest that it is necessary to develop an art therapy program through various mediums considering the lack of art therapy research in middle-aged women and problems experienced by the physician.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.36
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• pp.417-442
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• 2013

This study considers the characteristics of the separation of public and private security service during Koryo dynasty, and compares it with the modern security service. Modern day security service's definition of private and public security service was used to distinguish them. Given the different historical settings, it's difficult to argue that the distinction between public and private service during Koryo dynasty was clear, but it can be said that public security service was centered around palace guard and concerns the activities of protest, and military made for the relationship, and private security service was centered around power of DoBang and includes the activities of malingering, and Byolchogun. During the early days of Koryo, protest, district military and soldiers who stay in the palace were all parts of a palace revolt and this institutional improvement of soldiers who stay in the palace was accomplished during King Seongjong's rule. The tradition of a palace revolt can find its roots in the middle military, and after the unification, a palace revolt was reformed into the king's palace revolt of second and the 6th along the course of establishing the nation's system. All of the changes stem from the reformation for consolidating the royal authority. Gyung Dae Seoung wanted to protect himself and he slept with his army night and days and because of that, group of soldiers was created and it was called DOBANG. Some members were from dobang gyeonryong, The forced were powerful because it was gathered with a warriors with extraordinaire martial arts and competent management. Most of the soldiers followed gyeong dae seung because they believed that he has a strong leadership and loves his people, and had a strong faith in him. However, the general gyeong jang had a belief that politics must be reverted to the previous so the relationships between jungbang wasn't smooth. Because of the economic operational problems, due to fraud committed by the mens under his command failed to maintain integrity and was criticised.The misconception also fed up with the emperor and the deepening relationships between the soldiers, his dobang was dismantled. After he took over the dobang, for his personal safety and to strengthen his position he compensated gyeon dae seong's dobang and developed the organization. In the process of extending the dobang Choi chung heon recruited many talented people to strengthen the military base, and also accepted the advice and expanded the power of Dobang. Choi Chung Heon thus consolidated his political gains by weakening the power of the king's army and adjusting the myth, which could've threatened his regime, and this was called Dobang number 6th. Dobang number six got even more powerful by his son named Choi woo, and after ruling, he expanded into a room, and a substantial reorganization of Dobang was developed. And then the creation of yabyeolcho also showed the effect to prevent the crisis. Although the palace guards who were public security service of Koryo Dynasty was still maintained during the military rule era when the royal authority was incapacitated, it was only maintained to have a symbolic meaning as the actual authority including military power was with Choi, the master of Dobang, private security service group. Likewise, during the rule of Choi, private securty service could reign over public security service, and the noteworthy characteristic of Dobang is that it assisted the private soldier groups to seize the military power by reorganizing and modifying military system. Although both differences and similarities can be found when comparing the guards of Koryo Dynasty with those of contemporary society, they have a similarity in terms of the essence of guards that they guarantee the safety of their clients. As for differences, the royalty of Koryo Dynasty and the pursuit of profit of contemporary society are in contrast, and contemporary guards can be seen as the fulfillment of responsibility and duty by free will, whereas guards of Koryo Dynasty were ruled with military coercion.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.3
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• pp.145-177
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• 2001

The artist's interest has been captivated by ecological phenomena in Nature. Her keen captivation has then been focused into plastic art depicting the image of primitive life. The wide sweep of her work encompasses the totality of nature which consists of the human's subconscious power and imagination which she then portrays by organic images. These organic images are in contrast to scientific, mathematical and logical inference and consciousness. This research examines the character of the organic images in modern art by her analysis of some representative works by others. The image is an essential concept in the art which appeared in very different ways and in different perspectives. The image in the artwork appears to be the realistic expression until the early part of the 20th Century. Well into the 20th Century, it began being expressed in various ways such as combined images by imagination which is combined or rejected in the story of artwork. It also began being expressed by transferred images by changed original conditions. It is the main purpose of this research is to study of various expressions of organic images in the artwork of the Post-Modernism era. The character and meaning of organic image painting helps people to approach the human instinct more easily to find out the natural essence. It is also an objective of the organic image to tenderise our human sensibilities, thus helping us to regain vitality and recover our poor humanity in the barren wilderness of modern society. 'Life communion with nature' is a meeting point and common ground for Oriental Philosophy and organic image painting. Through this research, organic image painting is characterised in the four following ways : 1st) Organic image painting seeks regularity and perfection of outer shapes, in contrast to disordered and deformed nature, resulting in organic and biotic formalistic mode of plastic art. 2nd) Organic image painting seeks the formative. 3rd) Organic image painting pursues the priceless dignity of life by researching the formatted arrangement and figure, which contains primitive power of life. 4th) Organic image painting makes crystal clear the power of human and nature, which is a historic and biological phenomenon. This, in turn, exposes the humanistic view of the world from modern society best characterised in lost self-understanding, isolation and materialism. The representative organic image painting artists are Elizabeth Murray, Kusama Yayoi, and Niki do Saint Phalle. Elizabeth Murray used shaped canvas and a round construction of relief works. Kusama Yayoi used Automatistic expressionism originating from the realms of unconsciousness and which is represented by the mass and shape of a water drop. Niki do Saint Phalle shows the transcendence of universal life and anti-life to respect the dignity of life and the eco-friendliness relationship of human and nature in the post-modernism in art history. This is accomplished by surrealistic, symbolic, fantastic and humoristic expression. These three artists' works express the spirit of the organic image in contemporary art. It contains the stream of nature and life to seek not only the state of materialism in the reality, but also the harmonized world of nature and human which has almost lost the important meaning in modern times. Finally, this organic image is the plastic language of the majestic life. It is the romantic idea that the intimacy of nature and the universe and Surrealism, which emphasizes the unconsciousness , is the source of truth and spirit. Also it is influenced by primitive art and abstract art. According to this research, the subject 'Research About Organic Images' is not only an important element in the plastic arts from primitive society to the present, but is also fundamental to an true understanding of Post-Modernism.

• Trans-
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• v.12
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• pp.173-222
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• 2022

This thesis examines the 'universe' acceptance phenomenon, currently used as a content strategy in the K-pop field, from the perspective of K-pop audiences, and then attempts to identify their experience of acceptance and the meaning of the universe. For this, tweets related to the universe acceptance experience of Aespa, the group utilizing the universe as a content strategy the most actively, were collected, and this data was analyzed according to a phenomenological approach, an approach to explore the structure of personal experience and the essence of a phenomenon. As a result of analyzing using Moustakas' method, the semantic structure of the universe acceptance phenomenon of K-pop audiences was derived based on 21 thematic units. It was found that current K-pop audiences are experiencing active cultural consumption rather than unilateral or passive through acceptance of the universe. This means that K-pop audiences have the characteristics of active audiences that produce meaning, interact with other fans, and exert influence on outside of community. At the same time, these characteristics affect acceptance of the universe. Simultaneously, through active acceptance experience, it is found that K-pop audiences give a new meaning in the K-pop universe, as "marketing assets", "fandom community assets", and "K-pop industry expansion assets." Among them, the recognition of 'marketing assets' was reaffirmed as a basis for supporting related previous studies. In addition, it derived the new values of the universe in the K-pop field by discovering the meaning of "fandom's specific assets" and "assets of the K-pop industry for expansion". These meanings had not been found that previous studies from the producers' point of view. And then, for the purpose of expanding the value of the universe in the future, it was discussed the direction of the new meaning of the universe. Finally, this study is meaningful in that it revealed the semantic structure of the universe acceptance phenomenon and discovered a new meaning of the universe in the K-pop field. Additionally, it was intended to contribute to expanding the field of research by suggesting various follow-up studies from various perspectives.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.52-71
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• 2011

This study was initiated with the intent to consider the features of Gugokwonlim and to compare Gabsagugok(甲寺九曲) to Yongsangugok(龍山九曲) against the backdrop of Mt. Gyeryong by revealing their nature and confirming the names and exact locations. A literature review, interviews with local people and field studies confirmed that Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are each composed of 9 seasonal features. The former is made up of Yongyuso(龍遊沼) - Iilcheon(二一川) - Baengnyonggang(白龍岡) - Dalmuntaek(達門澤) - Geumgyeam(金鷄?) - Myeongwoldam(明月潭) - Gyemyeongam(鷄鳴巖) - Yongmunpok(龍門瀑) - Sujeongbong(水晶峰) while the latter is made up of Simyongmun(尋龍門) - Eunnyongdam(隱龍潭) - Waryonggang(臥龍剛) - Yuryongdae(遊龍臺) - Hwangnyongam(黃龍岩) - Hyeollyongso(見龍沼) - Ullyongtaek(雲龍澤) - Biryongchu(飛龍湫) - Sillyongyeon(神龍淵). Both Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are part of Gugokwonlim built in the valleys of Mt. Gyeryong in the late Joseon Dynasty by Byeoksu Yun Deok-yeong (1927) and Chwieum Gwon Jun-myeon (1932), respectively, with a 5 year difference. Gabsagugok was supposedly designed to reflect an individual taste for the arts and to admire principles of Juyeok (ch. Zhouyi) and the beauty of nature. On the contrary, Yongsangugok appears to be the builder's expression of his longing for independence day, likened to the life of a dragon after receiving the sad news of Japan's annexation of Korea. Such differences show that these two builders had very different intentions from one another. The letters of Gabsagugok have a semi cursive style and were deeply engraved on the rock in a square shape. Consequently they have not been worn away except for those in Yongyuso, the first Gok. In contrast, the letters in Yongsangugok have an antiquated, cursive-Yija style but because they were engraved relatively lightly, serious wear and damage occurred. In terms of location, Gabsagugok was built around Ganseongjang adjacent to the 5th Gok while Yongsangugok was set up around the 5th Gok, Hwangnyongam. Meanwhile, the important motif which forms the background of Gabsagugok seemingly highlights the geographic identity of Mt. Gyeryong using the dragon and the chicken as themes. It also appears to symbolize the principles of Juyeok focusing on Kan of the Eight Trigrams for divination; this requires an in-depth study for confirmation. The main motif and theme of Yongsangugok is the dragon. It infuses the builder's intentions in Sangsinri Valley by communicating with nature through a story of a dragon's life from birth to ascension. It is assumed that he tried to use this story to express his hope for restoring the national spirit and reconstructing the country.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.172-205
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• 2011

Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[$80(82)cm{\times}80(82)cm$] while the smallest one was Yangsan Sohandjeong Seokguk ($40cm{\times}40cm$). The dimension of length and breadth are both $49cm{\times}48cm$ on average, which is realistic size for actual Go play. Fifth, the biggest bed rock, an under-masonry with carved Go-board on it, was one in Muju Sasunam[$8.7m{\times}7.5m(65.25m^2)$], followed by ones in Hoengseong Chuiseok[$7.8m{\times}6.3m(49.14m^2$] and Goisan Sungukam[$6.7m{\times}5.7m(37.14m^2)$]. Meanwhile, the smallest rock-go-board was turned out to be one in Seoul Banghak-dong. There was no consistency in directions of the Go-boards, which gives a hint that geographical features and sceneries of locations were considered first and then these were carved toward an optimal direction corresponding to the conditions. Sixth, rock-go-boards were all located in valleys and peaks of mountains with breathtaking scenery. It seems closely related to ancestors' taste for arts. Particularly, rock-go-boards are apprehended as facilities related to taste for arts for having leisure in many mountains and big streams under the idea of union of sky and human as a primitive communal line. Go became a medium of hermits, which is a traditional image of Go-game, and symbol of amusement and entertainment with the idea that Go is an essence of scholar culture enabling to reach the Tao of turning back to nature. Seventh, the further ancient time going back to, the more dreamlike the Go-boards are. It is an evident for that Sundoism, which used to be unacceptable once, became more visible and realistic. Considering the high relation between rock-go-boards and Sundoism relevant names such as Sundoism peak in Danyang Sobaeksan, 4 hermits rock in Muju and Sundoism hermit rock in Jangsu, Sundoism hermit rocks and rock-go-boards are sceneries and observation spots to express a communication of worship and longing for Sundoism. Eighth, 3 elements-physical environment such as location type of the rock-go-boards, human activities concentrated on 8 sceneries and Dongcheongugok(洞天九曲) setup and relevancy to Confucian scholars, as well as 'Sangsansaho' motif and 'Nangagosa' symbolic meaning were used as interpretation tools in order to judge the place identity. Upon the result, spatial investigation is required with respect to Sunyoodongcheon(仙遊洞天) concept based on enjoyment to unify with the nature rather than Dongcheongugok concept of neo-Confucian, for Dongcheon and Dongmoon(洞門) motives carved around the rock-go-boards. Generally, places where mountain stream type rock-go-boards were formed were hermit spaces of Confucianism or Sundoism. They are considered to have compromised one other with the change of times. Particularly, in the rock-go-board at the mountain peak, sublimity-oriented advent of Sundoism is considered as a significant factor to control place identity. Ninth, including where the rock-go-boards were established, the vicinal areas are well-known as parts of Dongcheongugok and Palkyung(八景) mostly. In addition, many of Sundoism relevant expressions were discovered even in the neighboring carvings written by scholars and nobility, which means sophisticated taste based on longing for Sundoism world played a significant role in making go-board. The rock-go-board is an integration of cultural phenomena naturally managed by seclusion of scholars in the Joseon Dynasty as well as remains and essence of Korean traditional landscaping. Some rock-go-boards out of 17 discovered in South Korea, including ones in Sobaeksan Sinsunbong, Banghak-dong, Chungju Gongili, Muju Sasunam, Yangsan Eogokdong Banryongdae Seokguk, are damaged such as cracks in rocks or fainted lines by hardships of time and hand stains. Worse yet, in case of Eunyang Bangudae Jipcheongjeong board, it is very difficult to identify the shape due to being buried. Rock-go-boards are valuable sculptures in terms of cultural asset and artwork since they reflect ancestors' love for nature and longing for Sundoism world. Therefore, they should be maintained properly with right preservation method. Not only rock-boards itself but also peripheral places are excellent cultural heritages and crucial cultural assets. In addition, vicinal sceneries of where rock-goboards and pavilion spots are the representative remains of embracing prototype of Korean traditional landscaping and major parts of cultural properties.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.