• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.146-159
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• 2019

This study focuses on the understanding of human subsistence and pottery use during ancient times on the Korean peninsula through lipid analysis of potsherds from several major prehistoric settlement sites. Ancient human subsistence has been one of the long-standing topics in Korean archaeology. However, since the high acidity of sediments does not allow long-term preservation of organic remains, we still lack some critical information related to the prehistoric diet. Pottery contains relatively well-preserved organic remains created during past cooking events. Though pottery is one of the most studied material cultures in Korean archaeology, almost no attention has been given to analyzing the pottery itself. This is a surprising omission and represents a serious gap in our understanding of prehistoric technology and subsistence. The analysis of ancient lipids extracted from the pottery matrix using GC-MS and isotope analysis can contribute to our understanding of the true nature of past subsistence strategies. Potsherd samples for the analyses in this study were collected from six prehistoric and early historic settlement sites located in the central part of the Korean peninsula. The results showed that subsistence strategies differed by both location and time period. For example, at Jungdo, an inland open-air Bronze Age settlement site in Chuncheon City, we were able to see the presence of terrestrial mammals. At Gahak-dong, Gwangmyeong City, marine resources were utilized, as the location of the site is not far from the coastline. At the early historic site of Guwol-dong, Incheon City, we were able to detect dairy products. The results of this study suggest that there was utilization of a wider range of resources among ancient dwellers in the central part of the Korean peninsula.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.149-160
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• 1999

This paper is intended to find out what kinds of fruits are mentioned in the Bible and how they were used in those days. It has also analyzed in what terms they are expressed in the Korean Version of the Bible and studied agricultural regulations involved in the religion, and allegorical uses of the fruits. Olives were the primary fruit in the economy of the ancient times, followed by figs and vines. In addition, there are mentioned in the Bible almonds, apples, dates. mulberries and pomegranates. Olive trees have been grown for more than six thousand years. The Hebrew word. Zayit is mentioned in the Bible more than fifty times. Olive trees are not so beautiful in themselves but as they give us humans abundant reap and a lot of oil, they have been thought to be beautiful. Olive trees grow well on the seaside in the salty air and fog. Vines began to grown as early as in the Bronze Age(the period of 3000 to 2000 B.C.). In Northern Greece, grape seeds were found to belong to the year 4500 B.C. or so. The vine gardens produced raisins and wine as well as vines. Figs are the fruit which are first mentioned in the Bible(Genesis 3:7) and they were the precious product of the Palestine people, which is described in Deuteronomy 8:8. Figs are sweet and watery and can easily quench thirst on hot summer days. They were used for cookies and wine in the raw or dried state. An apple, which is tappuah in Hebrew, is mentioned as 'Sagwa' six times in the Revised Korean Version, and in the Korean Joint Version it is twice mentioned as 'Sagwa' and as 'Neungum' four times. In ASV and KJV, 'apple' appears eleven times. which is because' the apple of eye' is translated in the 'Nun-dong-ja(the pupil of the eye)'In the Korean Version. 'Sagwa(apple)'of Proverb 25:11, the Song of Songs 2:3, 2:5, 7:8, 8:5 and Joel 1 :12 have been thought to be doubtful. because apple trees cannot be grown in the areas mentioned in the Bible. Some maintain that the apples in the Bible refer to apricots(Prunus armeniaca, Citrus medica L.) or golden oranges (Citrus sinensis L. Obsbeck) which is confusing. In the Revised Korean Version, 'Salgu(apricots)' appears eight times while ASV and KJV translate almond into 'Salgu'. So since translating a genuine apricot into 'Salgu' can be confusing, a great care should be taken in the translation into Korean. Some hold that as some papyri arround the year 1200 B.C. describes pomegranate, apple, olive and fig trees growing on the Nile delta, tappuah rightly refers to 'Sagwa(apple)' In the Korean Joint Version, Sagwa and Neungum are used together to refer to the same fruit, which should be avoided. It is desirable to use the same word for the same thing. Sagwa' showing up six times In the HeL.Ised Korean Version should all be replaced by 'Neungum' Dates symbolized peace and abundance were used for food in the raw or dried state, and were made into honey. Pomegranates can be eaten in the raw state and be used for sherbets and wine. Juice made of promegranates can be mixed with wine and drunk.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.23
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• pp.81-93
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• 2008

The analysis of ancient DNA (aDNA) in paleogenetics has become an increasingly important subject of archaeological, anthropological, biological as well as public interest. In this study, paleogenetic analyses were carried out on the human skeletal remains from a historical cemetery site in Myeongam-ri, Asan, Korea. Archaeological records show that this particular location had been used as a habitation or mortuary site as early as the Bronze Age and up until the Joseon Dynasty. Human remains of twenty individuals out of forty-nine tombs from the Goryeo to Joseon Dynasty were selected for the analysis of this study. In order to identify the genealogy of the population and traditional burial pattern of the cemetery, we conducted comparative analyses of the hyper variable regions (HVRs) in mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) of each sample. A number of cautious steps were taken at all experimental stages in order to avoid erroneous recombination by the segmental and modern contaminations derived from the researchers. We sequenced segmental amplicons of HVRs andassigned relevant haplogroups according to the sequence polymorphism on the basis of the known mtDNA database. The result shows that diverse haplogroups were unexpectedly present in the small population group of the Myeongam-ri site. This diversity appears to be related to the geographical conditions and archaeological properties of the Myeongam-ri site.

• Journal of the Korean Chemical Society
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• v.31 no.6
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• pp.555-566
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• 1987

Fifty ancient Korean coins originated in Yi Dynasty have been determined for 9 elements such as Sn, Fe, As, Ag, Co, Sb, Ir, Ru and Ni by instrumental neutron activation analysis and for 3 elements such as Cu, Pb, and Zn by atomic absorption spectrometry. Bronze coins originated in early days of the dynasty contain as major constituents Cu, Pb and Sn approximately in the ratio 90 : 4 : 3, whereas, those in latter days contain in ratio 7 : 2 : 0. Brass coins which had begun in 17 century contain as major constituents Cu, Zn and Pb approximately in the ratio 7 : 1 : 1. The multivariate data have been analyzed for the relation among elemental contents through the variance-covariance matrix. The data have been further analyzed by a principal component mapping method. As the results training set of 8 class have been chosen, based on the spread of sample points in an eigen vector plot and archaeological data such as age and the office of minting. The training set and test set of samples have finally been analyzed for the assignment to certain classes or outliers through the statistical isolinear multiple component analysis (SIMCA).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.34
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• pp.124-136
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• 2001

Among many different types of wares, we have amazing Sacred Water-pot(따르개, 注子) from Goryo-period(고리, 高麗, 918-1392). The stylistic peculiarity of Jung-Byoung(정병, 淨甁) is described in "Goryo-Dhogyoung, 고리도경, 高麗圖經", the classical design canon. It is said, "A sharpened mouth with narrow and prolonged neck is attached upon the broad mouth with thicker and even longer neck of the pot whose body intimates to the shape of melon." One could find this Jung-Byoung similar to the Indian drinking water jar, Kundika, which has been. even today, an everyday article in houses as well as in temples. In the early Buddhist cult, the object had been adopted as personal belonging of the Bodhisattvas(보살, 菩薩), especially of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara(관세음보살,觀世音菩薩). In short, the purifying character of water is met by the sacred ware to deliver the refreshing Sweet-Water(Holy-Water, 깨맑물, 단물, 단이슬물, 정수, 감로, 감로수, 성수, 淨水, 甘露, 甘露水, 聖水): For the holy purpose of fulfilling the thirst of people, of symbolozing the virtuous dharma. Thus, Ggamslkh-Byoung(깨맑병,淨水), the literal Korean name, denotes purifying and clarifying and clarifying water-pot to us. Among many other Asian countries, India, China, Korea, and Japan have a profound cult of the sacred water-pot(Ggamalkh-Byoung, Jung-Byoung, 깨맑병, 정병, 정수병, 감로병, 감로수병, 淨甁, 淨水甁, 甘露甁, 甘露水甁). Therefore, this charming holy object drew much attention not only from master artisans to shape and deliver them to people but also from painters and sculptors for their endowment of the sacred images dedicated to Buddha(부처,佛,佛陀). In China, the sacred water pot emerged in the period of Tang(당, 唐, 618~907)-Period and underwent much sophistication later on, I. e., from earthenware, ceramic-porcelain, bronze, and silver. However, the following represents a challenge to the well-known Goryo-Thangka(고리불화, 高麗佛畵) Painting of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara to our speculation on the Sacred Water-pot(정병, 淨甁). The image suggests, when examined closely, that the Sacred Water-pot has been accompanied by, or placed in, a transparent glasswere(유리그릇) or crystalbowl(수정그릇)! We have no other physical proof of the existence of such a Holding-Bowl(받침그릇, 承盤), except for in this particular painting. This Holding-Bowl would have not been a mere elaboration on the practicality of controling the drips from the mouth of the pot. As in the chapter on Tang-ho(탕호, 湯壺), or thermal bowl, in the "Goryo-Dhogyoung" it advises readers that this style of bowl is to be filled with hot water, and thus function as a preserver of heat in the water inside the pot. As an offering to the Buddha, the Sacred Water-pot could have been used for serving him hot tea. Hence the sacred bottle is to contain the refreshing water, the water transcends to nectar, and the nectar is prepared as a nectar tea to offer the Buddha. For both the Holding-Bowl of Ggamalkh-Byoung(Jung-Byoung)and the Celestial-Robe(날개옷, 天衣) of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, whose specified character is the Water-Moon(수월, 水月) in this particular Thangka(불화, 佛畵) painting, the transparency is essential. This is to refer to the purity and the lucid clarity of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara and at a deeper level, to refer to the world of Buddhas-the Tushita(Paradise, Heaven, Eden, 극락, 불세계, 極樂, 佛世界). Howerver, without the discovery of an actual Holding-Bowl, accompanied by a Sacred Water-pot, such speculation will necessarily remain hypothetical. Nevertheless, there is an abundance of evidence of our ancient craftsmanship in jade and ctystal, dating back to the Bronze Age(1000~2B.C.) in Korea. By the time of the Three Kingdom-Period(삼국시대, 三國時代, 57B.C.~935A.D.), and especially the Silla(신라, 新羅, 57B.C.~935A.D.)-Empire, the jade and crystal ornamentation had become very intricate indeed. By the Goryo-Period(918~1392) and Chosun-Period(조선, 朝鮮,1392~1910),crystal-ware and jade art were popular in houses and Buddhist temples, whose master artsanship was heightened in the numerous Sarira-Cases(사리그릇, 舍利器), containing relics and placed inside Stupas(탑, 투, 搭)! Therefore, discovering a tiny part of the crystal or jade Holding-Bowl for the Sacred Water-pot and casting full light on this subject, would not be totally impossible. Lastly the present article shares the tiny hope for a sudden emergence of such a Holding-Bowl.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.150-173
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• 2024

The Gyeongsang region experienced an epoch-making social transformation approximately around the second to first century BCE, including the replacement of Bronze Age types of tombs (such as dolmens, stone cist tombs, and earthen tombs with flat capstones) with clusters of wooden coffin tombs and the emergence of wajil pottery (soft stoneware) and ironware. These shifts in the archaeological material evidence have been discussed in the context of the formation of the states that comprised the three Han confederacies and in relation to wooden coffin tombs built in later periods. This paper explicates the appearance of clustered wooden coffin tombs with accompanying ironware by categorizing them. In particular, it examines the emergence of wooden coffin tombs by creating the Wolseong-dong type, which differs from Tomb No. 5 in Joyang-dong and Tomb No. 1 in Daho-ri with their deep burial pits and large quantities of prestige goods and soft stoneware items. The Wolseong-dong type of tomb commonly features ironware, including flat-bladed iron axes, oblong cast iron axes, iron wire, iron chisels, and iron swords; a small slender, rectangular wooden coffin tomb with a shallow burial pit of less than sixty centimeters; and pottery of a type preceding soft stoneware, such as long-necked jars, triangular attached-rim pottery bowls and pots, and mounted vessels. There are also a few bronzeware items found in them, but no prestige goods. This study scrutinizes tombs in Tamni-ri in Uiseong, Hagu-ri in Gyeongju, and Hakjeongdong in Daegu by comparing them with the Wolseong-dong type, and it confirms that in Sinseodong in Daegu, Wolseong-dong type tombs and later Joyang-dong type tombs have separate spatial distributions within the site. This also indicates that the Wolseong-dong type is a valid categorization among wooden coffin tombs. Although the rise of the Wolseong-dong type tomb is associated with the migration of a group, I reserve judgement on whether its origins should be understood in the context of the iron culture in the southwestern region of South Korea that was sparked by King Jun's advance to the south or if they lie in the western region of North Korea. Either way, the Wolseong-dong type is thought to be the tombs of a group of people with lower hierarchical status than the occupants of the later Joyang-dong type.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.230-246
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• 2023

The wooden fence(木柵), which began to appear in the Bronze Age and is presumed to be the oldest defense facility in human history, was used as a fortress for the purpose of further strengthening military defense functions until after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 in the Joseon Dynasty(壬辰倭亂). As it was established as the concept of a fortress or a fence installed outside a fence castle(城柵) or barracks fence(營柵), its importance as an essential facility for defense was further highlighted. This study is the result of exploring wooden fence that were used as official facilities during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on literature surveys such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty』 and 『New Jeungdonggukyeojiseungram』 In this study, in particular, the conclusion of this study is as follows, focusing on the use and function of Nokgakseong(鹿角城), underwater wooden fence, installation methods, and materials of wooden fences, is as follows. The conclusions of this study, which focused on the materials of the wooden fence, are as follows. First, as invasions by foreign enemies became more frequent in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty, wooden fences played a major role as a major out-of-castle defense facility((防禦施設). In addition, wooden fences were modified and installed into various types such as wooden fences(木柵城), Nokgakseong, a fence made up of large branches in the shape of a deer antler, and underwater wooden fences(水中木柵) according to the circumstances of the times, government policy, and location environment. Second, wooden fences were installed in strategic locations in defense facilities for military purposes, such as mountain fortress(山城), fortresses(營), camps(鎭), forts(堡), and castles(邑城) in strategic locations, and were used for defense in case of emergency. According to the urgency of farming, it was installed in accordance with the non-farming season, when it is easy to mobilize manpower to avoid the busy farming season. The size of the wooden fence of the Joseon Dynasty, which are confirmed through literature records, was converted into Pobaekchuk(布帛尺), and the circumference was very diverse from 4,428chuk(2,066m) to 55chuk(25m). Third, Nokgakseong is an efficient combat support facility that is more aggressive than a general wooden fence, and the records of Nokgakseong in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty appeared during the King Sejong period the record was 20 times, the most. By region, it was found that it was mainly installed in coastal rugged areas such as Pyeongan and Hamgildo(12), which are the 6-jin areas of the 4th Army. Fourth, in the early 15th century, as the royal court established a maritime defense strategy for the coastal area of the southern coast, after the Sampo Invasion(三浦倭亂), riots by Japanese settlers in Sampo in 1510, major military posts including eupseong(邑城), camps, and forts were established. The installation of underwater barriers around various government facilities rapidly increased as a defense facility to block the warships of Japanese pirates around various government facilities. Fifth, between the 15th and 17th centuries before and after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Sampo, underwater fences were installed in the Southern coast and Ganghwa Island. In particular, in the 15th century, underwater fences were intensively installed in coastal areas of Gyeongsangnam-do, such as Jepo. Pine trees and Oaks are the main materials used for underwater fences, but other materials such as Oldham's meliosma, Loose-flower hornbeam and The vines of arrowroots were also used as materials for wooden fences.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.4-19
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• 2017

Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.