• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.3
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• pp.242-281
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• 2010

There are a large number of Buddhist cultural relics in Mt. Namsan. The cultural relics carry the spirit of people of Shila who dream of Buddhist Elysium and the establishment of Buddhist nation. In the valley and the top of the mountain and on various rock cliff, stone statues of Buddha and stone pagodas stand in harmony with nature. For that reason, Mt. Namsan is called an open-air museum. And it played an important role in establishing 'The UNESCO World Heritage' status for Gyeongdju in December 2000. But sadly, there are many stone relics that have eroded away and damaged from collapsing in the passage of time. The seated stone statue of Buddha in Samreoung valley of Mt. Namsan is one of them. It was created between the 8th and 9th century, and restored without much care nor extensive historical research in 1923. As a result, The face of the Buddha remained with concrete mortar and its nimbus fallen backward and destroyed. Therefore, restoration and repair as well as creation of a statue environment for the statue were urgent. So we immediately started in restoration and repair. First, through the archaeological excavation around the stone Buddha, we carried the stone Buddha on the original position. In order to restore the statues to its original glory created by the Unified Shila Dynasty, we created a restoration plan in corporation with art historians and historians, then restored the jaw and the damage nimbus. Second, we made the weathering & damage map of the stone Buddha. In order to prevent second damage, we cleaned the surface of contaminants with distilled water. Third, we studied restoration method to prevent artificial damage. We recreated parts of his face and halo. Then each parts of the statue were restored to their original position. In the whole process of restoration, we tried to use traditional techniques.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.391-424
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• 2008

A Buddhist relic deposit was discovered from the three storied stone pagoda which was called as Seokgatap of Bulguksa temple in Gyeongju in 1966. In this relic deposit, several clumped papers written in ink which were found from the pagoda. These manuscripts are one of the most valuable materials for understanding Korean Buddhism and Buddhist Art History. In this paper, I examined several terms for pagoda subsidiaries found in these manuscripts, which have not been known to us up to recently. In addition, I compared these terms to the real pagodas or pagoda images in Korea. The manuscripts from Seokgatap pagdoa were composed of three different kinds of records; (1) "Record for the Repair of Mugujeonggwangtap Pagoda (無垢淨光塔重修記, 1024)"; (2)"Record for the Reconstruction of West Pagoda (西石塔重修形止記, 1038); (3)"Lists of Donors for the Reconstruction of the Pagoda in Bulguksa temple (佛國寺塔重修布施名公衆僧小名記, 1038). The terminology describing pagoda was appeared in the first and the second records. In the "Record for the Repair of Mugujeonggwangtap Pagoda", there are more than ten terms, which are presumed to be the words describing some upper decorative parts of a stone pagoda. However, in the "Record for the Reconstruction of West Pagoda", there are fifteen terms which would describe the body and base parts of the Seokgatap pagoda. These new terms for pagoda subsidiaries appeared in the manuscripts of Seokgatap Pagoda are very significant materials in understanding Korean Buddhist Art, because they show the practical terms which were used in the eleventh century Buddhism of Korea, but never known to the modern academic world. The manuscripts of Seokgatap Pagoda have not been deciphered perfectly yet, so they have to be examined with more precise as well as with wider view of Buddist and Art History.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.86-109
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• 2009

Mireuksa Temple was founded during the reign of King Mu of Baekje(AD 600-641). The circumstance of the construction of this temple is documented in "Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms (Samgukyusa)". The pagoda named stone pagoda at Mireuksaji temple stands outside the main sanctuary of the western area. The south and west sides of the stone pagoda have completely collapsed, leaving only the eastern facade of six of its levels intact. Through the recent discovery of sarira reliquary we can see that the erection of this pagoda was in 639. So owing to accumulation of excavation results about Baekje temple site and vigorous academic exchange, it is possible that architecture of western pagoda at Mireuksaji temple can be understood in connection with the architectural development of wooden pagoda from 6th to early 7th century in East Asia. So this study is on the consideration of building of this pagoda putting first structure of upper part and cross-shaped space in 1st floor. It was considered that the material characteristics as stone could be applied to the temple pagoda architecture of large scale. The results are as follows. First, it had been built in recognition that the outer and inner part of pagoda should be separated. As it is the expression of structural system in temple pagoda architecture of large scale at that time. In pagoda there was a self-erected structure and the members of outer part of it were constructed additionally. Second, in Mireuksaji stone pagoda there is central column with stones. With inner part of pagoda it can be regarded as mixed structural system that constitutes central contral column and inner structural part. And it could be a kind of middle step to more developed structure of whole as wooden pagodas in Japan. Third, as the sarira reliquary was in central column on the first floor, the cross-shaped space could be made. The formation of this space was so on the natural meaning of sarira that the concept as memorial service of graves could be apllied to the pagoda. The style of tomb in Baekje was expressed to the space of 1st floor in pagoda where Sarira had been mstalled. That was not only effective presentation of symbolic space but also easier method in the use of same material.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.71-90
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• 2010

The names of Seokgatab and Dabotab are almost generalized among the people along with Bulguksa the most well-known temple in Korea. But, despite this generalized situation, the names of Seokgatab and Dabotab have not secured the clear standpoint till now. It is because the names of Seokgatab and Dabotab can be found only in the 18C documents like and . More complicatedly, in the record of the Goryeo sarira case found during the dismantling of Seokgatab, the name of Seokgatab was 'Mugujeonggwangtab' or 'Seoseoktab'. This paper is to secure the nominal validity of Seokgatab and Dabotab to remove the confusion due to their names and to raise the efficiency of studies related with Bulguksa in the future. First, their names and the problems related with them were summarized in Chapter 2. Based on this critical consciousness, Chapter 3 deals with the tragedy of Asadal related with the creation of the stone pagodas and its symbolic re-interpretation. In this process, we can see that there could be a viewpoint of the great comprehension in them through the completion of 'the Buddhist Nation'. Then, the architectural features of Seokgatab and Dabotab were analyzed in the ritual view point of . Finally, in Chapter 4, on the basis that the viewpoint of one specific sect can not be predominantly applied in the construction of Buddhist land, it is held that Avatamsaka Idea and Saddharma-pundarika Idea can coexist without any conflict. It is shown in the fact that Seokgatab and Dabotab can make harmony together in the Avatamsaka Idea while keeping their names. With these efforts, we can clearly see that the peculiar titles of Seokgatab and Dabotab can be said to secure sufficient validity.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.70-83
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• 2013

To widen prospect of villa as Korea traditional garden, the result of the research about constructional characteristics of Seogo-jeongsa and Sameun-jeong of Yeoju Lee family at Toero-ri, Miryang-si, Gyeongsangnam-do, Korea, is abstracted as below. Seogo-jeongsa(西皐精舍) and Sameun-jeong(三隱亭) was intended to practise retirement with sense of unity with the head residence, since Seogo-jeongsa was 340m far and sameun-jeong was 630m far away from head residence, which set within 1km. Although Seogo-jeongsa's basic prop, Sameun-jeong's timber, which are both from designer's pen name and head residence name, "Hangjae(恒齋)" and "Yongjae(庸齋)," and Hanseoam have each different exposure, it is homogeneous as space configurational side in order to optimize the gaze leading effect and appreciated domestic trees from the pond, which is center of the garden and the significant facility. Method of direction of Seogo-jeongsa's Hwalsudang(活水塘) and Sameunjeong's pond of Sameun-ji(三隱 池) gets attention by distinction. Especially, directing of 3 step water flow from behind to front and traditional pond method, called Bangji-Bangdo(方池方島), were very unique that any other place can be found. Also, the middle islet on the pond at both villa, which isn't more supper, but more for the symbolic molding that seek a stone pagoda(石假山), is more interesting directing method as considering the relationship of the 3 stone pagoda imageries on the surface of Ghwayukchon(果肉泉) At the same time, Seogo-jeongsa and Sameun-jeong shows very different characteristics from traditional villa that adopted both domestic trees and foreign trees. Particularly, it is extremely exceptional case to plant vigorous needleleaf tree, such as Chamaecyparis pisifera, C. obtusa, Pinus bungeana, P. palustris, Sciadopitys verticillata, Metasequoia glyptostroboides and Cedrus deodara, on Sameun-jeong. Moreover, adopting foreign wild needleleaf trees for landscaping trees, such as a Torreya nucifera, Taxus cuspidata, P. parviflora, and foreign landsacping trees, such as P. bungeana, Cryptomeria japonica and C. obtusa tells planting trend of the late Joseon dysnasty era. Also, as we can know from 2 Jipgyeong(集景), which is 'Seogo-jabyoung 17 young(西皐雜詠十七詠)', and 'Sameun-jeong 12 Gyoung(三隱亭十二景)' which are set on both villa, the intend to expand the garden area is strongly shown by the natural forest directing. As a result, Seogo-jeongsa and Sameun-jeong, located at Toero-li Miryang, are sharing the traditional Joseon dynasty era's custom, such as space and visual composition; however, it is different and attractive garden remains as a point of view of water directing, stone pagodas, and adopting foreign landscaping trees.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.292-307
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• 2019

Buddhists have always tended to adorn and embellish Buddhist statues and their surrounding spaces in order to exhibit the grandeur and sublime nature of the Buddha. The various kinds of splendid instruments and implements used in such ornamentation are collectively called jangeomgu in Korean. Thus, the term jangeomgu encompasses articles used to decorate Buddhist statues, halos, and baldachin, as well as Buddhist banners and wind chimes, which are generally hung outside a building. Wind chimes are still widely used at Buddhist temples. In China, judging from various structures such as the Wooden Stupa of Yongningsi in Luoyang and the Dunhuang Caves, wind chimes began to be used around the sixth century. As for Korea, Buddhism was first introduced from China during the Three Kingdoms Period, and Koreans accordingly began to build Buddhist temples and buildings. It would appear that wind chimes came to be used around the time that the first temples were built. The oldest extant wind chime in Korea is the gilt-bronze wind chime of Baekje, discovered at the Mireuksa Temple Site in Iksan. In general, Korean wind chimes dating from the Three Kingdoms Period are classified into two general types according to their shape and elevation, i.e., those shaped like a Buddhist bell and those shaped like a trapezoid. As these two forms of wind chimes have influenced each other over time, those made during the Goryeo dynasty, having inherited the style, structure, and design of the preceding period, display such features. At the same time, the artisans who produced wind chimes pursued technical development and adopted free, yet not extravagant, designs. In particular, Goryeo wind chimes are characterized by original designs created through exchanges with other Buddhist art forms of the same period, such as the embossed lotus design band of Goryeo bells; the bullmun design, which served to display the grandeur of the royal family; the samhwanmun design, which consisted of decorating the interior of a Goryeo incense burner with three holes; Sanskrit designs; and designs inspired by the windows and doors of stone pagodas. In this way, the production of Goryeo wind chimes developed with a focus on purpose while being free of formal constraints. This study started out from the fact that the largest number of Korean wind chimes were produced during the Goryeo dynasty. Therefore, research on wind chimes should be based on those of the Goryeo dynasty, especially since fewer relevant studies have been conducted compared to studies on other forms of Buddhist art. For the purposes of this study, the reasons for the production of wind chimes will be examined first, followed by an examination of the various styles of Korean wind chimes. Then, based on the findings of this investigation, the development and characteristics of the wind chimes produced during the Goryeo dynasty will be explored for each period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.238-259
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• 2021

Gameunsa Temple is a Buddhist temple from the mid-Silla period. Construction began during the reign of King Munmu and was completed during the second year of King Sinmun's reign (682). This study is based on the results of excavations at the Gameunsa Temple site, exploring the findings presented in the literature in the field of history. This study also investigates the characteristics of the construction plan of Gameunsa Temple and its correlation with the political, social, and religious environment of the time. The results of the study are as follows: (1) First, it is confirmed that all of the buildings in the central block of Gameunsa Temple, such as the pagoda and corridor, the central gate, and the auditorium, fit within 216 cheoks by 216 cheoks (Goguryeo unit of measurement, estimated dimensions 353.30 mm), in terms of the base structure. This fact is highly significant considering the intent of the King in the mid-Silla period to advocate Confucian political ideals at the Donghaegu sites (Daewangam, Igyeondae Pavilion, and Gameunsa Temple), as confirmed by the relationship between the 'Manpasikjeok legend' and the Confucianism of the etiquette and the music; the relationship between the name of the 'Igyeondae Pavilion' and the 'I Ching'; and the relationship between the 'Taegeuk stones excavated from the Gameunsa Temple site' and the 'I Ching.' Additionally, it may be presumed that the number in the "Qian 216" on the Xici shang of 'I Ching' was used as a basis for determining the size of the central block in the early stages of the design of Gameunsa Temple. The layout of the halls and pagodas of Gameunsa Temple was planned to be within a 216-cheok-by-216-cheok area, from the edge to the center, i.e., on the central axis of the temple, in the following order: the central gate and auditorium, the north-south position of Geumdang Hall, the south corridor, the east-west buildings of the auditorium and the winged corridor, the east-west corridor, and the central position of the east-west stone pagoda. (2) Second, the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism in the architecture of Gameunsa Temple is based on the understanding of the Golden Light Sutra, originating from the aspirations of King Munmu to obtain the immeasurable merits (陰陽調和時不越序 日月星宿不失常度 風雨隨時無諸災横) and the light of the Buddha, which is metaphorically represented by the sun and the moon illuminating the whole world of Silla, a new nation with a Confucian political ideology, for a long time by "circumambulating the Buddha (旋繞)". It is also presumed that Gyeongheung, who was appointed by King Munmu to be the Guksa in his will and appointed as the Gukro after the enthronement of King Sinmun, was deeply involved in the conception and realization of the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.100-117
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• 2020

National Treasure no. 101, the stupa of State Preceptor Jigwang from the Beopcheonsa Temple Site in Wonju has been transferred from place to place and reassembled several times since it was built. In particular, overall dismantling and repair was carried out in 1957 to restore parts damaged by bombing during the Korean War. Documented information on the repair process and materials used at that time does not exist. However, various types of metal materials used for this stupa have been identified during conservation work. Besides clamps anchor bolts, 9mm-thick circular rebars were mainly used for joining the parts of this stupa, while circular rebars and wires of various thicknesses were used for joining the parts with mortar restoration materials. Although deformed bars are typically used for stone pagodas classified as architectural structures, smooth circular rebars were used in this case. In terms of restoration using mortar, material shapes were transformed, bound alternately, and twisted irregularly to improve bonding strength and coherence in order to insert restoration materials and to bolster structural weaknesses. In addition, metallographic analysis showed the material to be hypo-eutectoid steel with low carbon content. Many non-metallic inclusions in the shape of drops of different sizes were included, which do not affect the whole elemental composition due to the very small quantities involved. Qualitative and EPMA analysis of Mn and S, which were not identified by SEM-EDS area analysis, established an even distribution of MnS in crystal grains of the microstructure, regardless of the shape of the samples. It is presumed that secondary homogenization and softening might have been conducted after manufacturing to facilitate the working process. Furthermore, in consideration of properties indicating that the thinner the steel is, the less carbon content contained and the greater the elasticity and elongation, it is judged that restoration work was ordered.