• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.115-151
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• 2017

With Seopa Ryu-Hee's Chunqiugwalyebulyu as the main research subject. this paper is to clarify characteristics in classification of the book's introductory remarks and its academic values. This book is a sort of synthetic collection of introductory remarks classification that defines standardized introductory remarks based on fundamental principles of Chunqiu introductory remarks. Seopa presented two fundamental principles for classifying Chunqiu introductory remarks. First, he clearly defined the nature and the system of the book Chunqiu, which was to present the background of classifying Chunqiu introductory remarks. Second, he declared that writing style and righteousness in Chunqiu serves as standard for classifying the introductory remarks. Seopa classified introductory remarks by type in accordance with these fundamental principles of introductory remarks in order to lay the groundwork for right interpretation of Chunqiu. Further, he was convinced that this classification of introductory remarks would block any chance of the book's wrong interpretation and at the same time, be able to remove the rationale behind distorted theories. This book can be appraised to have significant academic values in that it attempted standardization in classifying Chunqiu introductory remarks through systematic and synthetic analysis on various introductory remarks.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.215-240
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• 2018

In this paper, the contents about funeral rites in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial"(儀禮) were compared to those in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. The most direct and systematic document related to funeral rites is "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Some of its contents had been reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, such as "Zuo Zhuan", "Mozi" and "Xunzi", while others didn't agree with one another. It happened because some contents had been already reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought in the process of establishing scriptures about manners including the ancient "Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial", and because, on the contrary, the contents of the books of Hundred Schools of Thought had become included in the scriptures about manners by following Confucianism. First, the basic contents of Chapter 'Mourning Clothes' in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" were generally reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, and there are many contents in common. Most prominently, three-year-mourning for parents and a king had been enhanced in Confucianism commonly. Although Mohism opposed Confucian luxurious and long funerals (厚葬久喪), the mourning clothing system in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" can be said to have been people's universal understanding until the Spring and Autumn period at least. In addition, it has been verified that there were differences in the mourning clothes depending on the one who wore them was an adult or not both in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" and the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. On the other hand, many arguments in the contents about funeral rites reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought were different from the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". In particular, the mourning clothes for parents reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought showed that there were differences depending on social positions, which was dissimilar to the regulations in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Also, different from the mourning clothes system for parents and a king, the system for a wife and a concubine was dissimilar to the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" in many ways. Since the regulations of Chapter of 'Mourning Clothes' in the present version of "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" suggest different mourning clothes and periods depending on who wears the mourning clothes and what social position the deceased had, it seems difficult to implement them strictly historically as well as at those times. Especially, while the funeral rituals for a child was relatively clear based on the parent-child relationship of "affection" and those for a king and parents were plainly regulated and emphasized, the rules of those for a vassal and a wife were absent or ambiguous in many cases. Therefore, the term of "the Theee Bonds"(三綱) appeared first in Dong Zhongshu(董仲舒)'s "Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals"(春秋繁露) that reflected the ideology of political ethics of Han Dynasty(漢代), but regarding its contents, it can be said to have been already reflected in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial".

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.249-274
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• 2012

This article looks at the thought of Oh Jae-soon's seonggong sasangin Jeongjo period while focusing on his Seonggongdo and Seonggong doseol. his thought will be explained as seen below. First, he gave more emphasis on seonggong, not seonghak, which is a concept abbreviated from Seonginjihak.He actually gave more importance to practice than to scholarly work. Therefore, the essential concepts provided in his work are most related with drills and practices. Second, he focuses on dotong(characters). Looking at Yosunwoosangjeonsimhakdo, he presents dotong ((Yo-Sun-Woo)-Kongtzu-Chengtsu-Jasa-Mengtsu-Chungtzu), while presenting himself to such a scholarly inheritance. Third, he intended to provide his interpretation based on his consistent thought. He actually classified and analyzed all the characters and classics based on the principles of knowledge, practice, self-esteem, bitter words, diligence. In addition, all things are classified with these five items as shown above. Fourth, he analyzed classics and presented his ideas in simple terms and concepts. Fifth, he deals with the seven Chinese Classics and particularly he emphasizes Shizing and Shujing. He did not mention Chunqiu (the Spring and Autumn Annals) and Liji (The classic of Rites),both of which he did not consider as adequate. Sixth, Sunam's thought was inherited to Ganjae Jeonwoo's soonamhakgyeol.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.145-166
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• 2009

This paper analyzes the views of Gyeongjae O Chiik on Classical Studies. O is the second son of Noju O Heesang (1763-1833). The characteristics of his views are as follows. First, unlike his father, Gyeongjae is more interested in Chinese Textual Criticism than in Hsing-li hsüeh. Therefore, he provides textual interpretation in detail with erudition in his Manrok and Munjip on the formation and problems for such classics as The Four Classics, The Classic of Poetry, The Book of Changes, The Rites of Zhou, The Book of Rites, and The Spring and Autumn Annals. Second, his openness. He didn't canonize The Book of Changes. Also, he thought that the analysis of Jeongja in his Annotation on the Book of Changes and Zhuxi's Original Interpretations, the absolute authority of the time, were not the only interpretation possible. He argued that other interpretation is possible depending on perspectives and it is desirable. We can see that Gyeongjae had transcended the world view of Zhuxi Studies. Third. he put the emphasis on the theories during the Han dynasty. He showed the inclination toward the Yuheung theories rather than Zhuxi theories in regard of the discussion of names in The Analects of Confucius. Fourth, unlike other Confucius scholars in Chosun, he showed interests in Gongyangjeon and Gokryangjeon. He compiled Gonggokmunseon with beautiful writings from both works. Fifth, he was interested in the dynamics of constant numbers. He grasped that what is important in the Book of Changes is not right principles but constant numbers and points. Thus he compiled Sangjeomyuhoe. Besides, he was also interested in the Rites of Zhou.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.11-19
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• 2019

The study was done to analyze the records of planting time of Gwangneung needle firs referring to the historical literatures, the Annals of Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄), Seungjeongwonilgi(承政院日記: Journal of the Royal Secretariat). Bibyeonsadeungnok(備邊司謄錄: Records of the Bibyeonsa Defense Council, a government agency during the Joseon Dynasty), Ilseongnok(日省錄: Journal on Dynasty affairs of the kings in the 36th year of Youngjo to 1910) to lay the historical ground for needle firs in Gwangneung. The following results were derived from previous research, Report on Gwangneung Forest Ecosystem, and overlaid fir tree rings. The research findings are as follow. First, since the system of making the grave is the most conservative system, the planting during the Gwangneung construction would have been preceded by precedent. Second, the problem of cutting the tree in the late Joseon Dynasty became serious. It is published the Law of Muo In the 22nd year of Jeongjo, and then planted trees regularly in spring and autumn. Third, the Law of Muo was preserved for 31 years during the reign of King Gojong, and the type of specific tree, the number of trees, from the 22nd year until the 25th year of King Gojong, four years of fir trees were planted in Gwangneung, and Gwangneung was the only place where korean pine trees were planted. Fourth, it was possible to identify the age of the tree through fallen fir tree rings, and the period of planting fir trees growing in the existing mausoleum is judged to be the equivalent year of King Gojong's reign from the 10th year of King Cheoljong's reign.

• Fire Science and Engineering
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.8-21
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• 2011

This study surveyed historical records on outbreak and features of forest fires during Chosun Dynasty's 518 years in being and analyzed the Annals of the Chosun Dynasty; The Diaries of the Royal Secretariat, archives from Records of the Border Defense Council, The Compilation of Ministry Proposals, Posthumous Records of King Cholchong etc. Forest fires were most prevalent and extreme during King Hyunjong (14 cases) and King Sunjo (13 cases) due to strong wind, and the biggest-ever forest fire broke out in the fourth year of King Soonjo (1804) in the east coast of Korea in Kangwon province. The fire had resulted in 61 fatalities and 2,600 destroyed houses. Forest fire in the east coast of Korea, Kangwon province, in the $13^{th}$ year of King Hyeonjong (1672) is recorded to have caused the highest number of deaths, 65people. The most frequent cause of forest fires during Chosun Dynasty was unidentified (42 cases), followed by accidental fire (10 cases), arson or lightning (3 cases), fire during hunting (2 cases), play with fire by children, destruction of patty fields and dry fields by fire and house fire (1 case respectively). By region, 56 % of forest fires erupted in the east coast (39 cases) and this was followed by the west sea (9 cases), Seoul and central region (8 cases) and the southern part of Korea (7 cases). By season, spring was found to be most vulnerable to forest fire as it accounted for 73 % of the total amounting to 46 cases. Behind were summer (11 cases), winter (6 cases) and autumn (0 case). Specifically, most forest fire broke out on April and May, which is the same as today. Archives and literature indicate that the person who involved in forest fire by accidental as well as arson had to be punished by banishment, expulsion from government office and public hanging. Also, officials in charge of the region that suffered forest fire were subject to reprimand. In conclusion, risk and gravity of forest fires were evident during the Chosun Dynasty as specified in historical archives and share many similarities with today's forest fires in terms of the duration and regional patterns.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.131
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• pp.199-222
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• 2014

This essay aims at clarifying Dasan Jeong Yagyong's view on Jingfang's yaobian theory. As is well known, Jingfang was a scholar of the Earlier Han period who exerted a profound influence on the theoretical development of Xiangshu School by creating the various techniques for interpreting the Zhouyi. Jingfang is also important in relation with Dasan's commentary of the Zhouyi, because some part of Dasan's interpreting techniques are thought to have their origin in Jinfang. For example, Dasan used the bigua theory of which the origin could be traced back into Jingfang. However, in this article, I did not deal with the bigua theory because I am going to write another article about it. In stead, my focus will be put on analyzing how Dasan evaluated Jingfang's yaobian theory. The main issues of my argument can be summarized as following. Firstly, in terms of yaobian, Jeong Yagyong called attention to Jingfang's annotation on the Zhouyi in which Jingfang utilized the yaobian method in three occasions, i.e., the first nine of the Qian(乾初九), the sixth nine of the Guan(觀上九), and the sixth nine of the Bo(剝上九). It seems that Jeong Yagyong set forth enough evidence about Jingfang's use of yaobian at least in relation to two cases of the first nine of the Qian and the sixth nine of the Bo, while the other evidence of the sixth nine of the Guan was not so persuasive. However, even if it is evident that Jingfang made use of the yaobain in two cases, there is no reason to equate it with that of Dasan. If one takes a close look, it becomes clear that Jingfang's way of yaobain is very different from Dasan's. Secondly, Jeong Yagyong mentioned Jiayi(賈誼) who lived about one hundred years before Jingfang, as the person who utilized the yaobian in his book of Xinshu(新書). If it is certain that Jiayi was aware of the yaobian, we can assume that the yaobian technique had been handed down from Jiayi to Jingfang. The manuscript excavated from the Mawangdui tomb also increases the possibility that Jiayi could have had the knowledge on the yaobian. In the chapter of Muhe(繆和) of the Mawangdui Zhouyi, there appears the phrase, i.e., "the first six of the qian, qian goes to mingyi," which shows exactly the same form of the yaobian in the Mr Zuo's Spring and Autumn Annals(春秋左氏傳). The burial period of Mawangdui tomb is estimated at the same year of B.C.168 in which Jiayi died. Therefore, judging from that fact, it becomes evident that the yaobain method was widely diffused around B.C.168. Subsequently, it is possible to infer that the yaobian method had been handed down from the period of Jiayi to Jingfang. If we could present the persuasive evidence to support that inference, it would also have the effect of consolidating Dasan's argument about the yaobian.