• Journal of Ethics
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• no.88
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• pp.103-122
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• 2013

This paper aims to study on conceptual suitability or unfitness of Silhak(實學). It is general that by criticizing Chujahak(朱子學) or beyond the limitation of Seonglihak(性理學), Silhak has developed practical tendency to reforming the society in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty, related to the context of Korean national reflection in modern times. However, it is unfortunate to be understood. As presented in Chosenwangjosillok(『朝鮮王朝實錄』), there has been a few usages in the term 'Silhak'. In short, it was different from its contemporary meaning. At that time, it was usually used to have the meaning of Gyunghak(經學), compared to Sajanghak(詞章學), or rarely, of 'the true study' or 'the practical study'. Therefore, it is to claim that its conception has been manipulated or exaggerated very seriously. Since 1930s, in particular, its conception has been misused in interpreting works of Jung Yak-Yong by some scholars, such as Jung In-Bo, Moon Il-Pyung and An Jae-Hong, who tried to apply the term to overcome the Japanese colonial era symbolised as modernity based on the future life of Korea. Even though their attempt has led to have crucial discussions on the conceptions of Silhak, it has an unnecessary result that there has been a new and totally different understanding of Silhak in South Korea, North Korea, China, Japan, etc., which means that the unsustainable conception of Silhak has been one of major problems in studying of Silhak. To give an practical solution, I would try to make sense of 'time spirit' whose scholars studied Silhak in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty. A problem, however, is that a scholar group in the name of Bukhakpa(北學派) had certain links and bonds. This is because many scholars studying of Silhak were usually features out of the main stream, which made them it difficult to form any various groups. That is to say, it seems to be natural that they have dreamed of utopian imaginations less than of overlapping points in reality. To sum up, it would be concluded at least that any approach to human lives and thoughts in the given conceptions of Silhak, e.g. ethical thoughts of Silhak, enables us to be indifferentiated to take its true meaning and time spirit of Chosen Dynasty. To be disenchanted of its social roles in Chosen Dynasty, fundamentally, it should be escaped from the wrong net of illusions and sings in understanding Silhak in certain eclectic steps.

• Journal of Korean Society of Rural Planning
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.39-49
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• 2007

The objective of this paper is to investigate the development of Silhak as a Korean epistemology, to investigate the implications of Silhak in Korean society, and to discover further environmental implications. The main discussion of this paper concerns with the epistemology of environmental philosophy. Epistemology is based on the justification of certain knowledge and social philosophy. Epistemology, from the Greek words episteme (knowledge) and logos (word/ speech) is the branch of philosophy concerned with theories of the sources, nature, and limits of knowledge. Since the seventeenth century, epistemology has been one of the fundamental themes of philosophers, who were necessarily obliged to coordinate the theory of knowledge with the development of scientific thought. It is a general belief that Western ideology is substantially embedded in Eastern ideology due to physical and metaphysical colonial involvement. We argue that ecological crisis may be resulted from western epistemological mechanical view, thus we suggests a Korean epistemology as an alternative. In this paper, we seek possibility of epistemological alternative of nature in the Korean traditional epistemology incorporating the epistemology of Sung confucianism and The Silhak.

• Journal of Korean Society of Rural Planning
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.47-60
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• 2009

The discussion of this paper is concerned with the epistemology of urbanism and rurality, that is, the justification of certain knowledge claims about how to intervene in understanding of urban and rural way of life and their implications to space. It is not concerned with the search for "truth" as such, but rather with the construction and presentation of knowledge as truth that subsequently lead to interpretation in the form of scholarly arguments. Rural areas vary considerably, and we define it as of a socially constructed category and so does urban as a comparative construction. As with community, rurality has been defined in widely different ways so has urbanism. In identifying and interconnecting these two concepts, we incorporate diverse western epistemologies such as empiricism and pragmatism. In addition, we heed particular attention to the intellectual history of Silhak, a philosophical ideology of Korea, to identify the relationships and it's effect on social way of life encompassing the realm of rural and urban spaces. We found that Silhak is particularly useful in that it deals with substantive issues of the relationship between rurality and urbanism arising from the discordance between values and perceive conditions of the rural and urban way of lives. This paper argues that the epistemology of Silhak is particularly superior to those of western ideologies since it accentuates unity of spaces rather than differentiating urban and rural way of life. We concludes with demanding more studies in the field of urban and rural analyses incorporating more diverse concepts of Korean orthodox epistemology.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.100-107
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• 2014

Traditional architectural space, which is a historical cultural heritage must be connected mutually as a organic flow of various elements such as the environment of the time, political background and values, rather than approaching with fragmentary point of view. The Silhak Philosophy, the basis of late Chosun society developed equity thoughts on the basis of ideology of humanism, and it asserted the promotion of technology and industry as a measure to realize the pursuit of truth which is practically useful. Thus, we could verify the possibility of convergent interpretation of cultural technology of Hwaseong architectural space through the humanistic viewpoint of pioneer spirit of Silhak Philosophy which regards human as a main agent of desire of life, and the pursuit of truth which is useful for reality, and the realization of ethical value by aesthetic practicalism. Based on this, the ontological meaning and value of Suwon Hwaseong by the viewpoint of convergence of culture and technology have been drawn as the construction of planned new town by the practice of filial duty, the plan of city space based on rational values, the realization of a metropolis where self-sufficient economic activities are possible, the introduction of thorough construction management system, the introduction of advanced culture and its creative application, and the application of scientifical knowledges and cutting-edge technology.

• Journal of Integrative Natural Science
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.63-68
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• 2020

Different units of metrology were used in the Joseon Dynasty, such as Yeongjocheok, Pobaekcheok, Jolegicheok, and Jucheok. In many cases, Yeongjocheok and Pobaekcheok were of different dimensions depending on the region. Therefore, this study analyzed Jaseungcha Dohae of Ha BaeckWon to restore the scale of Hwasun Dongbok area in which Seokdang Na GyeongJeokyung and Gyunam Ha BaeckWon lived and made practical devices. The results of the analysis show that a universal Yeongjocheok of 30.6 cm was used.

• 중국학논총
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• no.68
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• pp.115-139
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• 2020

颐斋自10岁开始一直到63岁去世, 坚持进行记录, 留下了《颐斋乱稿》这一庞大的著书。根据该书, 我们可以把握他对《诗经》的众多观点。他的《诗经》诸说主要引用了陆机的《毛诗草木鸟兽虫鱼疏》, 朱熹的《诗传》, 星湖李瀷的《星湖僿说》, 根据自己的观点进行了整理与批评, 简单明了地进行了说明。从研究结果来看, 颐斋黄胤锡的《诗经》诸说具有以下特征:第一, 提出了毛诗的圣贤传授说, 毛诗通过孔子-子夏-孟仲子这样的传授过程, 一直保留至当时。第二, 关于《诗经》大序和小序的作者, 颐斋支持衛宏說, 坚持比较合理的观点。第三, 对于"郑风"淫乱说, 颐斋认为淫乱是因为音乐的演奏方式与所奏之乐导致的, 与诗的内容无关。第四, 颐斋在日常中对《诗经》进行了灵活引用。这是继承了《诗经》断章取义的遗风, 颐斋在日常生活中教授《诗经》, 并对其进行活用和意思疏通, 他对《诗经》有着深入了解。第五, 颐斋对《诗经》的演唱具有很大的关心, 对其进行了说明, 特别是对弹奏玄鹤琴演奏《诗经》的情况进行了阐明。

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.157-164
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• 2020

After the Qing Dynasty overthrow of the Ming dynasty, this is far-reaching influenced on the Ming Dynasty's Sovereign state of the Joseon dynasty. Not only did regulations prohibit the entry into various books published by the Qing Dynasty, In addition, the "Northern Expedition" of Song Siyeo put forward the mainstream political proposal of the Northern Expedition and Qing Dynasty.Even in this context, Representatives of scholars such as Hong Daeyong, Bak Jega, Kim Jeonghui on the Joseon dynasty peninsula at the time, put forward the idea of "Learning from Central Plains" through several visits to Shuntian Prefecture (now Beijing), And gradually formed the well-known Silhak (Practical Learning) ideological of "Bukhak, (Northern Learning)" in the Joseon dynasty history. the Joseon dynasty Silhak ideological scholar of Kim Jeonghui also was under the influence of the Weng Fanggang and Ruan yuan other famous Qing Dynasty Textual scholar, Fruitful achievements in Chinese Classical Studies Epigraphy, Calligraphy.He founded the "Chusa-che" style of calligraphy Chusa, the "Chusa-che" styled is although born out of the clerical script, but more composition and See also asymmetrical in harmony, Strong and vigorous brush strokes, Every word vibrant, Make it a master of gold stone calligraphy in the Joseon Dynasty.This study based on some records of Kim Jeonghui's visited to Shuntian Prefecture(now Beijing), this article examines the academic activities of seeking truth to facts in Korea and the Qing Dynasty at the time, and the impact on these activities on calligraphy and painting in the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.15-26
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• 2005

1. Objectives The pesent study purposed to examine Dongmu Lee Je-Ma's Sasang philosophy from the viewpoint of Che-Yong relation and to understand the effect of Che-Yong relation on Dongmu philosophy. 2. Methods First, we briefly compared the concept of Che-Yong relation in Jeongju philosophy, which has a dualistic philosophical structure, with the concept of Han Suk-Ji's harmonious Che-Yong relation, which has a monistic philosophical struaure and, based on rhe result, analyzed the characteristics of rhe concept of Che-Yong in Dongmu philosophy focused on Seongmyeong rheory, Sadan rheory and Hwakchung theory in ${\ulcorner}$Dongyi Suse Bowon${\lrcorner}$. 3 Results and Conclusions Jeongju philosophy is different from Dongmu philosophy in irs philosophical struaure characterized by Che-Yong relation, and the concept of Che-Yong in Dongmu philosophy forms the characteristics of Han Suk-ji's monistic harmonious Ole- Y ong relation. This produces results as follows. (1) Form a universal view of human beings centering of man's autonomous will and possibility. (2) Have a philosophical structure understood nor as a partial thought but as a total thought. (3) Assert that man has a good nature fundamentally and is obliged to practice goodness. (4) Assume that all human beings are equal. (5) It is assumed that the structural characteristics of harmonious Che-Yong relation in Dongmu philosophy can be the ground of definition of Silhak (practical science) in Oriental philosophy. It can be said that the realities of the universe and human beings can be discussed in philosophical structure with the logic of harmonious Che-Yong relation based on the unity of time and space. The philosophical logic based on the tealities can be defined as Silhak.

• The Bulletin of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.48.4-49
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• 2018

We studyed an Korean astrolabe made by Ryu Geum (1741~1788), the late Joseon Confucian scholar. It has a diameter of 17 cm and a thickness of 6 mm and is now owned by Museum of Silhak. In the 1267 of the reign of Kublai Khan of Mogol Empire, Jamal al Din, an Ilkhanate astronomer, present an astrolabe to his emperor together with 6 astronomical instruments. In 1525, an astrolabe was first made in Korea by Lee, Sun (李純, ?~?), a Korean astronomer and royal official of Joseon Dynasty. He was referred to Gexiang xinshu, a Mongloian-Chinese book by Zhao, Youqin (1280-1345), an astronomer of Mongolian Empire. This astrolabe has not been left. In the mid-17th century, an astrolabe was introduced to Joseon again through Hungai tongxian tushuo (渾蓋 通憲圖設) edited by Chinese Mathematician Li Zhi-zao (李之藻, 1565~1630), that originated from Astrolabium (1593) of Christoph Clavius (1538-1612). It seems that Ryu refered to Hungai tongxian tushuo which affect to Hongae-tongheon-ui (渾蓋通憲儀) edited by Nam, Byeong-Cheol (南秉哲, 1817~1863). We analysis lots of circles on the mother and a set of index from the rete of of Ryu's astrolabe. We find that the accuracy of circles has about 0.2~0.4 mm in average if the latitude of this astrolabe is 38 degrees. 11 indices of the rete point bright stars of the northern and southern celestial hemisphere. Their tip's accuracies are about $2^{\circ}.9{\pm}3^{\circ}.2$ and $2^{\circ}.3{\pm}2^{\circ}.8$ on right ascension and declination of stars respectively.

• Food Science and Industry
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.203-217
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• 2022

The influence of the social changes on the food and nutritional status of Korean during the late period of Joseon Kingdom (1800-1910) was analysed by using old literatures and the records of the Westerners visited Korea during the period. The late period of Joseon can be designated the most poor and miserable period in the history of Korea. The people suffered from the corrupted and incompetent government and social disturbances. The main driving forces to reforming the society at that time were 'Silhak' (Practical Learning), introduction of Catholic church and Donghak movement. The food related literatures written in this period in Korea described the life of upper classes (Yangban) and paid little attention to the life of the poor majority. This paper introduces the food availability and habits of Korean observed by the Westerners visited Korea at that time.